Magdalen College

OX FORD

MAGDALEN

COLLEGE

HISTORIES

OXFORD

MAGDALEN COLLEGE

of

COLLEGE HISTORIES

MAGDALEN COLLEGE

BY

H. A. WILSON, M.A.

FELLOW, LIBRARIAN, AND FOUNDER'S CHAPLAIN
OF MAGDALEN COLLEGE

LONDON
F. E. ROBINSON AND CO.

20 GREAT RUSSELL STREET, BLOOMSBUBY
1899

UFS35

Printed by BALLANTYNE, HANSON &> Co.
At the Ballantyne Press

PREFACE

THE task which has been attempted in the preparation of
this volume has not been an easy one ; but the difficulty
has not been in the lack of material. The original records
of the College, charters, accounts, and registers of various
kinds are abundant. As to the biography of the members
of the College, and many matters connected with its history,
the labours of the late Dr. Bloxam have brought together
a large and useful collection of material, which is only in
part represented by the seven volumes of his published
Register of the College, and by the two volumes of the
New Series, already published by Mr. Macray. I can
hardly sufficiently acknowledge the debt which this volume
owes to the labours of these zealous workers, and in
particular to Mr. Macray's careful scrutiny of the College
muniments and accounts. In my own examination of the
documents I have rarely found anything worth notice
which had escaped his observation; and, while I have
endeavoured throughout to form my own judgment on the
evidence, the cases in which I have seen reason to differ
from his view are extremely rare.

While the work has in one way been aided by this
wealth of material, it has been necessary to go over a
great deal of ground, and it has not been an easy matter
to present the results in any readable form within the
compass of a single volume of strictly limited size. It
would, indeed, have been a simpler task to write a much

336566

vi PREFACE

larger book ; but,, apart from the fact that this volume is
one of a series, and that its scale must needs be regulated
accordingly, it may, I think, be said that the time for the
production of a thorough and complete histoiy of the
College has not yet come. Such a history will be much
more possible when the whole mass of Dr. Bloxarn's
collection has been subjected to the same process ot
sifting, correction, and addition which has been already
applied to some portions of its contents in Mr. Macray's
supplementary series of the Register. Some day or other,
I trust, the work will be undertaken by hands more
skilful than my own. In the meantime, I hope that the
present volume may serve the purpose of a brief and
fairly trustworthy summary, which may be of use to
those who wish to know something of the history of the
College, and may itself preserve some facts and record
some evidences which might otherwise be forgotten.

My thanks for much kind help are due to many
members of the College, past and present, who have aided
me by supplying information, or by criticism of particular
portions of the work. In other matters, I would wish
most gratefully to acknowledge the assistance of Mr. R. P.
Jones, Commoner of the College, who kindly undertook to
supply photographs for the illustration of the volume, and
of Mr. H. Hurst, to whose skill I owe the execution of the
ground-plan of the College buildings.

H. A. WILSON.

MAGDALEN COLLEGE,
July 24, 1899.

CONTENTS

CHAP.

I. THE FOUNDATION

ii. THE FOUNDER'S BUILDINGS ..... 20

in. THE FOUNDER'S STATUTES ..... 33

IV. THE EARLY YEARS OF THE COLLEGE, 1480-1507 . 45

V JOHN CLAYMOND, JOHN HIGDON, LAURENCE

STUBBS, 1507-28 ...... 60

VI. THOMAS KNOLLYS, 1528-36 ..... 72

VII. OWEN OGLETHORPE, 1536-52 8l

VIII. WALTER HADDON, OWEN OGLETHORPE, ARTHUR

COLE, THOMAS COVENEY, 1552-58 ... 99

IX. THOMAS COVENEY, LAURENCE HUMFREY, 1558-89 112

X. NICOLAS BOND, JOHN HARDING, WILLIAM LANG-

TON, 1589-1626 ....... 133

XI. ACCEPTED FREWEN, JOHN OLIVER, 1626-46 . . 145

XII. JOHN OLIVER, JOHN WILKINSON, THOMAS GOOD-

WIN, 1646-60 ....... 159

XIII. JOHN OLIVER, THOMAS PIERCE, HENRY CLERKE,

1660-87 ........ 176

viii CONTENTS

CHAP. PAGE

XIV. THE CONTEST WITH JAMES II., 1687-88 . . IQ2

XV. THE COLLEGE FROM l688 TO 179! . . .211

XVI. MARTIN JOSEPH ROUTH, 1791-1854 . . . . 23!

XVII. THE UNIVERSITY COMMISSIONS . . . . . 250

APPENDICES . . ... . . . 264

INDEX . . . . . • ,• • • 283

ILLUSTRATIONS

BIRDSEYE VIEW FROM LOGGAN'S Oxonid IllllS-

trata, SHOWING THE BUILDINGS OF THE

COLLEGE AS THEY WERE IN 1675 . . Frontispiece

THE "FOUNDER'S TOWER" FROM THE EAST,
SHOWING THE ADJOINING PARTS OF THE

WEST SIDE OF THE CLOISTER . . . Facing fiage 24

From a. Pliotograph by Mr. R. P. Jones

THE GREAT TOWER, FROM THE NORTH, SHOW-
ING IN THE FOREGROUND PART OF THE

CHAPEL, HALL, AND SOUTH CLOISTER . ,,48

From a Photograph by Mr. R. P. Jones

INTERIOR OF THE HALL, SHOWING THE PAN-
ELLING ERECTED IN 154! .... ,, 82
From a Photograph by Mr. R. P. Jones

VIEW FROM THE PRESIDENT'S GARDEN, SHOW- '
ING PART OF THE LODGINGS (BEHIND WHICH

is THE FOUNDER'S TOWER), THE " GRAMMAR
HALL " (BEHIND WHICH ARE THE MUNIMENT
TOWER, THE GREAT TOWER, AND THE WEST
FRONT OF THE CHAPEL), AND THE TOWER
AND ADJOINING PORTION OF S. SWITHUN'S
BUILDINGS ,, II

From a Photograph by Mr. R. P. Jones

x ILLUSTRATIONS

THE " GRAMMAR HALL" FROM THE SOUTH-EAST Facing page 144
From a Photograph by Mr. R. P. Jones

VIEW FROM THE EAST SIDE OF THE WALKS,

IN WINTER ....... „ IQO

From a Photograph by Mr. R. P. Jones

INTERIOR OF THE CHAPEL (LOOKING WEST),
SHOWING THE CHOIR-SCEEEN AND STALLS

DESIGNED BY COTTINGHAM .... ,, 238

From a Photograph by Mr. R. P. Jones

CHAPTER I

THE FOUNDATION

THE College of S. Mary Magdalen in the University of
Oxford, commonly called Magdalen College, was founded
in the reign of Henry VI. by William Waynflete, Bishop
of Winchester. Of the Founder's early life, and of his
family, little is known. He was the son of Richard
Patten (otherwise called Richard Barbour) of Wainfleet,
a small town on the Lincolnshire coast. As to his
father's position in life, various accounts have been
given ; of all alike it may be said that the evidence on
which they rest is doubtful or scanty. The story that
he followed the occupation of a barber, if true, may
account for one of the names by which he was known ;
but it seems no less likely that the story is derived
from the name. According to another account, he was
a merchant ; and it has been alleged that the effigy on
his tomb represents him in the dress of " a wealthy
merchant or yeoman.1' The former statement has such
authority as belongs to " local tradition " existing in
the early years of the present century ; as to the latter,
it may be said that the costume in question is not such
as to warrant any positive statement as to the quality
of the wearer. Pedigree-makers, from the seventeenth
century onwards, have stated that his immediate
ancestors settled at Wainfleet, and trace his descent to

2 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

a family which is assigned sometimes to Essex, some-
times to Lincolnshire, and sometimes to Derbyshire.
His wife Margery is said to have been the daughter of
Sir William Brereton, who was governor of Caen during
the French war of Henry V.

Richard and Margery Patten had two sons, William,
the Founder of Magdalen College, and John, who
became Archdeacon of Surrey and Dean of Chichester.
The Lancashire family of Patten claim descent from a
third son, Richard, who is said to have settled at
Baslow in Derbyshire. But such evidence as is supplied
by documents relating to William Waynflete is not in
favour of this connection. The Bishop makes no
mention of any kinsman in his will ; nor did he make
any provision in his College for " founder's kin " such
as was made by Wykeham at Winchester and at New
College, or by Chicheley at All Souls. Moreover, a
few years after the Bishop's death, we find Juliana
Chirchestile, his uncle's grand-daughter, claiming the
position of his " heiress," a claim inconsistent with the
theory which makes Richard Patten of Baslow his
brother.

It is certain that Waynflete studied at Oxford, and
that he obtained the degree of Bachelor of Divinity ;
but it is not certain whether he was a member of any ,
college in the University. It has been believed that he
was educated at Winchester, or at New College, or at
both of Wykeham's foundations ; but he was not a
foundation-member of either ; nor does his name appear
among the commensales of Winchester, while New
College in its early days admitted none but founda-
tioners. Leland has been cited as stating that Bishop
Longland of Lincoln (who was admitted to Magdalen

THE FOUNDATION 3

soon after Waynflete's death, and must have known
persons who remembered their Founder), had told him
that Waynflete was a member of New College. But
Leland, while he places Waynflete at New College, does
not do so on Longland's authority. The point for
which he quotes Longland as his informant is not the
place of Waynflete's education, but that of his birth.

This, no doubt, was the town from which he took
the name by which he was known through most of his
long life, and which was also adopted by his brother
John. The name was not an uncommon one. At least
one other William Waynflete is mentioned in the
records of the diocese of Lincoln between 1415 and
1431, and at least two more appear in the records of
Bath and Wells about the same time. It has been
thought that the Founder of Magdalen College is to be
identified with one " William Waynflete of Spalding "
who was ordained sub-deacon in December 1420, deacon
in February 1421, and priest in December 1426, by
Fleming, Bishop of Lincoln.* If this conjecture be
right, it may be inferred that Waynflete was at least
twenty-three years of age in February 1421, and that
he had, from 1420 to 1426, some special connection
with Spalding Priory, being at this time " unbeneficed.11
But it is a conjecture, not a certainty.

The first event in his life for which a clear date can

* Chandler, in his Life of Waynflete, states the dates and places of
these ordinations incorrectly; and his apparent citation of Fleming's
register, in the statement that "William Barbor " was made sub-
deacon " by the stile of William Waynflete " is misleading. There
is nothing in the form of the entry in Fleming's register to suggest
that the sub-deacon had ever been known as William Barbor, or
that he was the same person as the acolyte William Barbor men-
tioned in an earlier entry.

4 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

be given is his appointment as Master of the school at
Winchester in 1429. He held this office till 1442, and
during his tenure received from Cardinal Beaufort the
Mastership of the Hospital of S. Mary Magdalen, an
almshouse near Winchester. To his connection with
this foundation, probably, the College which he after-
wards founded in Oxford may trace the cause of its own
dedication title.

In 1440 Henry VI., who was engaged in planning
the foundation of his colleges at Eton and Cambridge,
visited Winchester, and no doubt learned something
of Waynflete's capacity. The next year he named him
in the foundation-charter of Eton as one of the six
Fellows of the new college ; and in 1442 Waynflete
left Winchester to reside at Eton, where he held
the Mastership of the school for a short time. In
December 1443 he became Provost of Eton, and before
April 1447 he had been admitted a member of the
King's council. That he was regarded as standing high
in the King's favour may be gathered from a letter
addressed to him by the University of Oxford, probably
soon after the death of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester
(February 1447), praying him to use his influence to
secure to the University the possession of books pro-
mised to the University Library by the late Duke,
which had not been actually sent, but remained among
the Duke's possessions at the time of his decease.

On April 11, 1447, Cardinal Beaufort, who had held
the See of Winchester for more than forty years, died.

On the very day of his uncle's death, without waiting
for a formal request from the chapter of S. Swithun's,
the King wrote to the Prior and convent, authorising
them to proceed at once to the election of Beaufort's

THE FOUNDATION 5

successor, and recommending Waynflete as the person
whom they should choose. On the 13th, having probably
received their letter, sent on the 12th, announcing the
vacancy of the See, and asking for the accustomed conge
cTelire, he wrote again, directing them to make their
election forthwith, without waiting for a licence under
the Great Seal, and again recommended Waynflete.
The election took place accordingly on the 15th, the
mode adopted being that technically described as quasi
per inspirationem. Requests for the confirmation of
their choice were sent by the electors to the King and
to the Pope ; and, all the usual formalities being duly
completed, Waynflete was consecrated on July 13, in the
Chapel of Eton College. His enthronement at Win-
chester was deferred, and did not take place till the
January following.

His connection as Master with Wykeham's great
foundation of Winchester, his double connection with
the later foundation of Eton, his work in managing
the details of Henry's scheme for Eton and King's
College, perhaps influenced the new Bishop in the way
of leading him to use his own advancement for the
furtherance of learning. His experience of Oxford,
perhaps, had shown him the need of further endow-
ments. At any rate, he seems to have conceived the
design of a new foundation very soon after his eleva-
tion, and to have lost no time in carrying it into
effect.

He obtained, in the first place, the King's licence to
found a Hall in the University of Oxford for the study
of theology and philosophy. The new corporation was
to consist of a President and fifty graduate Scholars, less
or more, having a common seal, and receiving permis-

6 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

sion to hold lands in mortmain to the value of one
hundred pounds a year. It was to be governed by
statutes given by the Founder, and to be known by the
name of the Hall of S. Mary Magdalen, or Magdalen
Hall.* The patent authorising the Foundation was
sealed on May 6, 1448.

The next step was the acquisition of a site. For this
purpose Waynflete obtained, through the agency of
John Godmanston, at an annual rent of £6 6s. 8d.,
certain tenements in the parishes of S. Peter in the
East, and S. John Baptist, belonging to the Hospital of
S. John. Two of these tenements were conveyed by
Godmanston to Waynflete, to be the site of the new
Hall, on August 1 ; the rest were held over to be con-
veyed to the new corporation when it should be consti-
tuted.

The whole of the buildings and grounds thus
acquired lay within the city walls, on the south side
of the High Street. Taken together, they probably
covered the greater part of the space enclosed by the
High Street on the north, " Jonyslane " (now Merton
Street) on the south, Horsmull Lane (now called Logic
Lane) on the west, and the lane now known as King
Street on the east. The two tenements selected as the
site of Waynflete's new Hall were Bostar Hall (also
called, in earlier deeds, " Borstalle " Hall) and Hare
Hall. Bostar Hall, with its garden, covered a strip of
ground measuring 135 feet by 37 feet, having a narrow
front towards the High Street, separated by at least
one tenement from Horsmull Lane, and having on its

* The pronunciation of the name current in the University is as
old as this charter, which, mentioning the vernacular name as well
as the formal title, gives the former as " Maudelayne Halle."

THE FOUNDATION 7

eastern side a tenement (now represented by No. 85
High Street) known as the "Saracen's Head." The
garden lay to the south of the Hall, and formed the
northern boundary of Hare Hall, adjoining the garden
of that tenement. Hare Hall itself lay to the south of
its own garden, and together with it covered an area
measuring 75 feet by 66 feet, bounded on the west by
Horsmull Lane, and on the east by the garden of an
inn called the " Tabard," afterwards known as the
" Angel." The « Tabard " itself had a frontage to the
High Street, probably coinciding with the western part
of the present Examination Schools. Between its High
Street front and that of the " Saracen's Head " there
was at least one tenement. Thus the site of Waynflete's
first foundation, the original Magdalen Hall, lay be-
tween the present Schools and Logic Lane, near to, and
in part bordering on, the latter. It formed part of the
property sold by Magdalen College in 1884 to Univer-
sity College. The greater part of the other properties
acquired for the Hall, which also passed, as we shall see,
at a later stage, into the possession of Magdalen College,
were sold to the University at various times between
1860 and 1871.

Having thus obtained a site for his Hall, and made
other provision for its enlargement and partial endow-
ment, Waynflete proceeded, by a charter given on
August 20, 1448, to found his new corporation. The
charter names as the first President John Horley, or
Hornley, a Bachelor of Divinity. The first Scholars,
also named in the deed, were all graduates in Arts ;
they numbered twenty in all, thirteen Masters and
seven Bachelors. In the event of a vacancy in the
Presidentship, the Scholars were to elect a new Head,

8 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

and to present him for confirmation to the Bishop of
Winchester for the time being. New Scholars were to
be elected by the President and Scholars ; but all elec-
tions were to be subject to ordinances and statutes to
be given at a future time by the Founder for the gov-
ernment of the Hall. Pending the giving of such
statutes, no doubt, the Founder himself would fill up
vacancies or add to the number of the Scholars as he
thought fit. And during the ten years for which the
life of the Hall lasted it does not appear that any such
statutes or ordinances as the charter -contemplates were
given to the society.

As to its growth or condition during the ten years
there is but little evidence. It is clear that the pro-
perties, other than Bostar Hall and Hare Hall, obtained
by Godmanston from the Hospital of S. John, were
conveyed to the President and Scholars. The rent due
for them to the Hospital was paid by Godmanston,
who, no doubt, acted in this matter, as in that of the
transfer, as the agent of the Founder. Some of these
premises, it may be, were actually occupied by the
members of the Hall, if the accommodation in the new
Magdalen Hall itself was insufficient ; but some of them
were leased to tenants, and thus provided income for
the new foundation. The same was the case with other
neighbouring tenements which were rented by the
President and Scholars ; the " Saracen's Head," which
they held from the Church of S. Peter in the East, and
other properties, also close to the Hall itself, leased to
them by University College and by the Convent of
Littlemore. It may be conjectured that Waynflete's
first design was to acquire on a permanent tenure the
whole of the ground and buildings enclosed by the four

THE FOUNDATION 9

streets already mentioned, and to employ them for the
extension of his Hall. But within ten years from the
date of his charter he formed a different design of wider
scope, and himself attained a position which enabled
him to carry that design into effect.

During these ten years we find him, on more than
one occasion, taking a prominent part in the events of
the time. He was one of the lords sent to offer a
pardon to Cadets followers in the insurrection of 1450,
one of those sent to confer with the Duke of York in
1452 ; he was the chief of the commissioners sent by the
Lords to Henry VI. in his illness in 1454, and took part
in the proceedings of the council during the protectorate
of the Duke of York till the King's recovery in 1455.
In October 1456 he succeeded Archbishop Bourchier as
Lord Chancellor. Within a few days of the time when
he received the Great Seal the first important steps
were taken in the scheme, which he must have already
had in view for some time, of enlarging and remodel-
ling his foundation in Oxford. The scheme had for
its result the acquisition of the whole property of
the Hospital of S. John Baptist, with its site and
buildings, and the establishment in the place of the
Hospital of a new foundation under the name of
Magdalen College.

Before describing the steps by which this new design
was carried into effect, something must be said of the
history and character of the Hospital of S. John. It
was not an academical foundation, but independent of
the University. The precise date at which it had its
beginning is not known. In the fifteenth century
Henry III. was recognised as its founder, and the date
of his foundation is said to have been 1233. It would

10 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

appear, however, that Henry's action was not the founda-
tion of a new institution ; he refounded and endowed a
body already existing before his accession, and provided
its members with a site for new buildings, and perhaps
with the buildings themselves. Of these he is said to
have himself placed the first stone. But there seems to
be good evidence that the Hospital was then no new
thing. Some of its lands had been given to it by King
John ; from him also, as Earl of Moretain, it had
received the endowment of a rent-charge upon certain
property granted by him to Hugh de Malannay ; and
several of the deeds by which lands and houses in
Oxford were conveyed to it are apparently earlier in
date than the first charter granted to it by Henry III.
But if, as these facts seem to show, Henry cannot be
regarded as the original founder of the Hospital, he may
certainly be accounted its second founder : the statutes
by which it was governed probably date from his reign,
and his first grant points to its establishment on a new
site, and to a new epoch in its history.

In 1231 Henry gave to the Hospital the mill known
as King's Mill, situated at the Headington end of the
path now known as Mesopotamia ; he gave also, as a
site for rebuilding the Hospital, the Jews' garden outside
the east gate of Oxford, providing that space was to be
reserved for a burial-ground for the Jews. This ground
formed at least part of the present site of Magdalen
College and part of the site of the Physic Garden ; in
the former, the buildings of the Hospital were placed,
while the ground on the south side of the road most
probably continued to be used as a burial-ground by the
Jews until their expulsion from England in 1290.
Other grants of lands, privileges, and exemptions were

THE FOUNDATION 11

made and confirmed to the Hospital by Henry III. and
several of his successors.

The corporation thus endowed was entitled " the
Master and Brethren of the Hospital of S. John
Baptist." Their object was " the relief of poor Scholars
and other ' miserable ' persons."" They were under the
Rule of S. Augustine, having also a special code of
statutes. The statutes are preserved in a fifteenth-
century MS. now in the Bodleian Library,* and show
something more of the character and working of the
Hospital than can be gathered from the documents
relating to its property. Even from the latter, it
appears that sisters formed part of the community ; but
the full membership seems to have been limited to the
master and brethren, the number of the latter being
limited to that required for the tending of the sick poor
who were lodged in the "infirmary.1'* This appears
from the statutes to have been the principal mode in
which relief was given, but probably food and lodging
were also provided for needy travellers and pilgrims.
The officers of the Hospital were the "master,"" or
" warden " (who was elected by the brethren, and con-
firmed in his appointment by the King), the " cellarer1'
and the " sacrist."" Of the two subordinate officers, the
" cellarer " acted as the masters vice-gerent, while the
" sacrist,1' in addition to such duties as commonly
belonged to his office in a religious house, was charged
with the care of the " infirmary " and its inmates. The
brethren had a common dormitory and a common
refectory ; they wore a distinctive habit of brown stuff
with a cross on the left breast, and over this, out of
doors, a cloak, apparently of the same colour, marked
* Its press-mark in 1899 was "MS. Top. Oxf. d. 8."

12 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

with " a double cross " in front. They were expressly
forbidden to retain any private property ; all their
goods were to be in common.

Of the sisters (" sorores conversae ") the statutes say
little ; but it would seem that they were governed by
the same rule as the brethren. They probably had
their own buildings apart from the others, and managed
the women's department of the " infirmary." But it is
not clear that they always formed part of the Hospital
establishment ; there is no mention of any sisters in the
majority of the documents, and it seems that there
were none at the time when the Hospital was transferred
to Magdalen College.

The Hospital buildings were probably scattered over
the area included in its precincts, which contained,
besides the space occupied by the buildings, some
meadow-land and gardens, and one or more plots of
burial-ground. Of the buildings themselves there are
few remains. In the line of the present College
buildings facing the street, a blocked-up doorway, to
the west of the Tower, marks one of the entrances to
the Hospital. Between this doorway and the pre-
sent Porter's Lodge stood a building, consisting of a
vaulted chamber with a chapel above it, which in
the sixteenth century was known as the " alms-house."
Something of its character may be seen from a seven-
teenth-century painting, now in the President's Lodgings.*
This chapel, in 1594, was stated by the President
and Fellows to be the only remaining portion of the

* The painting is engraved in Skelton's Oxonia Antigua : part of
the engraving is reproduced in Ingram's Memorials of Oxford. It was
apparently executed after 1635, and before 1665, when the " alms-
house" was converted into " chambers," and altered externally so as
to present a front uniform with the adjoining buildings.

THE FOUNDATION 13

Hospital buildings.* Wood, however, believed that the
College Kitchen (which still remains), the "Divinity
Reader's Lodgings " (now removed), which stood near the
Kitchen by the Cherwell, and the stables which Loggan's
plate shows near the entrance to the Walks, were all
part of the fabric of S. John's Hospital.f

The Hospital was exempt from diocesan jurisdiction,
and was directly subject to the King as its patron and
visitor. Its affairs, therefore, were now a matter in
which Waynflete, as Chancellor, had some official con-
cern. His previous dealings with the Hospital had
probably given him some personal knowledge of its
condition, and that condition was not satisfactory.
The number of its members was so far reduced that it
consisted only of a master and four brethren. Its
property was ill-managed, its revenues were not spent
in the relief of the poor, and its rule and statutes were
not observed. Waynflete proposed to annex the Hos-
pital to his own foundation, and as a first step the
King granted the patronage of the Hospital to him and
his successors in the See of Winchester, and the Hospital
itself and its possessions to the President and Scholars
of Magdalen Hall, to whom the master and brethren
were authorised to make a surrender. This grant was
made on October 27, 1456. In May of the next year
Richard Vyse, the master, promises his consent to
Waynflete's scheme, provided that the Hospital can be
legally united to the College of S. Mary Magdalen, and

* The document containing this statement is in the Harleian MS.
4240.

f The author of Observations on the original Architecture of S. Mary
Magdalen College [J. C. Buckler] supposes that some portions of the
Hospital buildings were incorporated in the north side of the cloister
quadrangle.

14 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

that he himself shall be duly compensated. On
July 5, 1457, the master and brethren authorise their
attorneys to give seisin of the Hospital and its posses-
sions to Magdalen Hall. On July 18 a licence is granted
to Waynflete to found the College of S. Mary Magdalen,
consisting of a President and sixty graduate Scholars
(more or less) studying theology and philosophy, on a
site which probably corresponded with the precincts of
the Hospital. It is described as being bounded on the
east by the Cherwell, on the south by the highway from
East-gate to East-bridge, on the east by the highway
from East-gate to Canditch (now Long Wall Street),
and on the north by the lands of Holy well. A few days
later the President and Scholars of Magdalen Hall
make a temporary grant to Richard Vyse of the
Hospital and all its possessions, to be held till Sep-
tember 30 following. This, no doubt, was part of the
scheme of compensation. On September 25 they convey
to Waynflete the site for his new foundation, and on
September 30 Waynflete founds the College of S. Mary
Magdalen on this site, in terms of the licence of July 18,
naming as the first President William Tybard, Bachelor
of Divinity, and as the first Scholars three Masters and
three Bachelors of Arts. Of these six, four were among
the original Scholars of Magdalen Hall.

The next stage in the process is the annexation of
the Hospital to the new College. On October 13,
1457, the King grants letters patent reciting the sub-
stance of his letters of October 27 of the previous year,
and the fact that the Hospital has in accordance with
those letters been made over to the Hall. The letters
set forth the state of the Hospital as described above,
and grant to Waynflete licence, on receiving the sane-

THE FOUNDATION 15

tion of the Pope or any other sufficient ecclesiastical
authority, to convert the Hospital into a College of
secular persons studying theology and philosophy.
Waynflete and the President and Scholars of his College
are authorised, notwithstanding the Statute of Pro-
visors, to receive and publish papal bulls for this
purpose, and the President and Scholars are permitted
to hold lands, &c., to the value of £500 a year. On
March 14, 1458, Calixtus III. grants a commission to
the Bishops of Lincoln, Worcester and Hereford, or any
of them, to inquire into the facts stated in a petition
presented to him, for the suppression of the Hospital
and its incorporation with the College which Waynflete
had been licensed to found. The commissioners are
authorised to sanction such suppression and annexation,
whereby, as it is said, Waynflete proposes to " change
earthly things to heavenly, and things transitory to
things eternal " by providing in place of the Hospital
a College of a President, secular Scholars and other
" ministri," for the service of God and for the study of
theology and philosophy, of whom some are to teach
these sciences to all comers without fee, at the cost of
the College. The commissioners are also authorised to
grant to Richard Vyse and to the brethren dispensations
to enable them to hold ecclesiastical benefices. The
Bishop of Hereford appears to have acted in the matter,
and a notarial instrument, no doubt drawn up for
the purposes of the commission, records the consent
of Richard Vyse. In this the gratuitous teaching of
theology and philosophy is again mentioned; and it
may be gathered that such teaching was intended to
replace the "earthly and transitory" relief which it had
been the purpose of the Hospital to supply. The pro-

16 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

ceedings of the commission were probably brought to
a close before June IS, 1458, on which day Waynflete
issued another charter founding the College, couched in
almost exactly the same terms as that of July 18,
1457, but making no mention of any precise number of
Scholars, that point being left to be determined by the
statutes afterwards to be made by him for the govern-
ment of his new foundation.

The remaining steps, the surrender to the College of
the Hall and the Hospital by the President and Scholars
of Magdalen Hall, the decree of the Bishop of Hereford,
suppressing the Hospital and annexing it to the College,
the grants of pensions of £4tQ a year to the master, and
c^PlO a year to each of the brethren, follow in due course.
It is not clear what provision was made for John Horley
and the remaining members of the Hall ; most of them,
probably, became members of the College under the
presidency of William Tybard. The Hall, as a separate
body, appears no more.

So far as the foundation and the partial endowment
of the College were concerned, Waynflete's work was
thus completed by the end of June 1458. But no new
buildings were as yet provided. The members of the
College probably lodged in the premises of the Hall,
and in those vacated by the members of the Hospital.
The fulfilment of any designs for additional buildings
which Waynflete may have formed was long delayed.

In 1460, just before the battle of Northampton,
Waynflete resigned the office of Chancellor, and de-
livered up the seal to the King in his tent on July 7.
Three days later the King was a prisoner. In the
events which followed Waynflete seems to have
taken no active share. 'That he acquiesced in the

THE FOUNDATION 17

assumption of the crown by Edward IV. may be inferred
from the fact that in 1462 he received a pardon for all
acts down to November 4, 1461, wherein the interests
of his College were guarded by an allowance of posses-
sions received in mortmain. The charters granted to
the Hospital and the College were also confirmed by
Edward in 1467, and fresh pardons granted to the
Founder in 1468 and 1472. In the latter year there
was also a pardon to Tybard as President of the College,
with confirmation of possessions in mortmain. These
pardons were not obtained without cost. Waynflete
had undertaken to pay to Edward the sum of 5000
marks " for contynuance of his gode grace and favour
to the said reverend Fader to be shewed," and a dis-
charge for that sum, given to him on July 9, 1471,
remains in the College muniment-room.

During these years a strange series of negotiations
had been in progress, which had for their result a large
increase to the property of the College. Sir John
Fastolf, a wealthy knight who had seen much service in
the French wars, died at his castle of Caister in Norfolk,
in November 1459. His latter years had been occupied
in schemes for increasing, securing, and disposing of his
estates, and by his neighbours in plans for securing to
themselves a share of what he would leave behind him
at his death. He had executed several deeds, appoint-
ing various bodies of trustees to hold portions of his
property, and on his death a will was produced by
which he left, in effect, all his property in Norfolk and
Suffolk to John Paston, one of his trustees, subject to
the payment of a sum of money to his other executors
and to the trust of founding at Caister a College " of
seven priests and seven poor folk.11 The genuineness of

18 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

the will was disputed : it was suggested that it was a
forgery made by Paston, or by some one else for his
interest. Some of the other executors refused to re-
cognise Paston's claims, and acted independently of him,
while neighbouring landowners laid hands on such parts
of Fastolf s property as they thought specially desirable.
The Duke of Suffolk and Lord Scales took possession of
certain manors ; the Duke of Norfolk annexed Caister
itself. Long and complex law proceedings followed, and
the strife was not confined to the law courts. Norfolk,
who had been compelled to loose his hold of Caister,
renewed his claim, alleging that he had purchased the
castle from some of the executors, and as the Pastons
would not surrender possession the castle was besieged
by the Duke with a force of 3000 men. In the end,
after the Duke's death, the Paston family recovered
Caister ; but before that time it had been agreed that
Fastolf s proposed College should be transferred to
Oxford, and incorporated in Waynflete's foundation ;
and for this purpose lands of considerable value were
made over to Waynflete for the benefit of his College.
The precise manner in which Fastolf s foundation was
represented will be seen presently ; it was determined
some years later by the statutes of the College. The
transference of the foundation was sanctioned in 1474
by Sixtus IV.

In the same year the College acquired a less impor-
tant addition to its resources by the annexation of the
Priory of Sele in Sussex. The patronage of this house,
originally an "alien priory" dependent on the Bene-
dictine monastery of S. Florent, near Saumur, had been
granted to Waynflete in 1459, probably with a view to
its suppression. The decree for its annexation was

THE FOUNDATION 19

made in 1471, but the College only took possession in
1474, on the deprivation of the Prior. In 1471 there
was only one resident monk, who had hardly sufficient
maintenance, the revenues being wasted by the Prior,
who was non-resident, and whose proceedings, from the
time when he had obtained his office by a simoniacal
bargain with his predecessor, had not been of the most
reputable kind. With the Priory there passed to the
College several benefices in Sussex, including Sele (or
Beeding), Bramber, and the two Shorehams.

The more settled state of public affairs which followed
on the death of Henry VI. and on EdwaixTs secure
possession of the throne gave an opportunity for carry-
ing out Waynflete^s schemes for College buildings, and
it is not unlikely that the accessions to the wealth of
the College which have just been mentioned enabled
him to proceed with greater freedom in the work which
now began.

[The principal authorities for the contents of this chapter (besides
the printed works mentioned in the notes) are charters and deeds in
the muniment-room of the College, and the Statutes of S. John's
Hospital, in the Bodleian Library. Of the College muniments there
is a MS. calendar in the College Library, made by the Rev. W. D.
Macray. Several of the documents relating to Fastolfs property
and intended foundation are printed in Mr. Gairdner's edition of the
Paston Letters.']

CHAPTER II

THE FOUNDER'S BUILDINGS

WAY^FLETE'S plans for the buildings of his College
were, no doubt, affected to some extent by the fact that
the site which he had acquired was already in part
occupied by the buildings of the Hospital. Some por-
tions of these it was probably thought well to retain ;
but it is not possible to say how far this method was
followed. The Hospital chapel, as we have seen, was
allowed to remain standing ; and it is probable that
the buildings to the west of this chapel, which form the
south side of what is known as S. John's Quadrangle,
occupy the same site with a part of the ancient Hospital,
and perhaps include some portions of its fabric. If the
line of the Hospital buildings was continued from the
chapel eastwards, towards the Cherwell, probably this
portion also was left standing for a time. But the build-
ings to the east of the Tower, and those between the
Tower and the Hospital chapel, forming, with the College
Chapel and Hall, the boundary lines of the space called
the Chaplains' Quadrangle, belong to a time more than
twenty years after Waynflete's death. During his life-
time nothing seems to have been done to provide new
buildings in this part of the College, though it is not
unlikely that their erection formed part of his general
design.

THE FOUNDER'S BUILDINGS 21

The works actually carried out under the direction of
the Founder were placed under the superintendence of
Richard Berne, or Bernes, who had been one of the
original Scholars of Magdalen Hall, and was one of the
six Scholars named in the foundation-charters of the
College. He held the office of Vice-President from
1469 to his death in 1499. With regard to the build-
ings, his functions seem to have been those of superin-
tending their progress, of receiving and expending the
sums sent by the Founder to defray their cost, and of
keeping the accounts. The principal workman was
William Orcheyerd, otherwise called William Mason,
who carried out particular portions of the building
paid for as piecework, undertook special contracts for
other parts, furnished designs for some of the details,
and probably acted as the practical manager of the
whole.

The work first taken in hand was the building of the
enclosing walls, which was begun in 1467, and occupied
about six years. The outlays in the first years are
chiefly for the quarrying of stone at Headington, for pre-
paring lime, for carting stone, lime, sand and gravel to
the College, for digging foundations and removing the
soil dug out. Two walls were also built in the first two
years. One of these is described as the wall "about
the garden.1' It probably followed, at least in part of
its course, nearly the same line as that of the present
south wall of the " Grove." The other went eastwards
from " the Hall of the College " (that is, probably, from
the eastern end of the site intended for the Hall) to the
Cherwell, and was then continued southwards along
the river bank, probably to meet some existing wall
or building. The "great wall" along the western

22 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

boundary was next begun — that is to say, the wall
which separates the " Grove " from what is now called
Long Wall Street, ending near Holywell Church. The
" lesser wall " along the northern boundary, towards
Holywell Mill and the Cherwell, was carried out in the
fifth and sixth years of the work.

It is in the building of the "great wall" that
Orcheyeixfs name first appears in the accounts, and
from this point onwards the masons are divided into
two classes — the "freemasons," of whom Orcheyerd
was apparently the head, being paid for certain classes
of work by the piece, the " rowmasons " (or laihomi
po?ientes) with their labourers receiving payment for
the most part by the day. It may be worth while to
note that the accounts do not bear out the tradition,
recorded by Hearne, that " when Magdalen College in
Oxford was built the workmen had only a penny a
day." The lowest rate of wages which they show, paid
to the masons1 labourers, is 3^d. a day. Some of the
labourers receive 4<d. a day ; the wages of the " row-
masons " themselves vary from 4>^d. to 6d.

The preparations for the actual buildings of the
College were apparently begun in the latter part of
1473. Stone was brought from Headington, where the
College now apparently owned one quarry (worked in
two divisions) and rented others from the King and
from Sir Edmund Rede, from Wheatley, Taynton,
and Milton. Earth, perhaps that removed from the
foundations of the wall, was carted from the " Grove "
to raise the level of the ground on which the buildings
were to stand. The "foundation -stone" of the build-
ing was blessed by Robert Toly, Bishop of S. David's,
and laid by William Tybard, on May 5, 1474, " in the

THE FOUNDER'S BUILDINGS 23

midst of the high altar." On the same day a breakfast
was provided for the Bishop ; the charge for this, which
is treated as part of the building expenses, amounted to
34?. 6d. The whole outlay to the end of 1474 was
^285, and the details of the yearns expenditure show
that good progress was made. They include payments
for the stonework of the windows in the choir of the
Chapel, and of the lesser windows of the nave, for that
of the windows of the Hall and the chambers below it,
for the doorways of these chambers and of the Buttery,
and for the framework of the windows of the chambers
below the Hall. Before the end of the year a large
quantity of timber had been purchased and sawn up to
be ready for the joiner- work. This was mostly brought
from Shotover and from Wychwood.

In 1475 William Orcheyerd undertakes to make a
great window of seven lights in the west end of the
Chapel, according to the "portraiture11 made by him,
for twenty marks. He also contracts for the stonework
of the cloister windows and buttresses as agreed upon
" by the advice and provision " of Richard Bernes, for
twelve doors and 102 windows for the chambers in
the cloister, and for the windows in the Library : each
of the latter windows being of two lights. The
standard for the work in the chambers and Library is
taken from All Souls : the windows are " to be as good
as or better than " those in the corresponding parts of
All Souls College.

Other contracts made by Orcheyerd in 1479 probably
mark the conclusion of the whole work. These are for
buttresses and battlements of ashlar for the Chapel,
Hall, Library and cloister chambers, and for the two
towers ; for the " vyse " (i.e., the winding staircase) of

24 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

" the great tower " and for the spire upon it ; for the
pinnacles of the towers, Chapel, and Hall.

The " great tower " here mentioned is, of course, not
the present bell-tower, which is of later date. It is, no
doubt, the tower over what was the principal entrance
to the cloisters, commonly called the " Founder's Tower."
The other tower is the low tower at the north-west
corner of the Chapel, in the rooms of which, above the
Chapel porch, the College charters and other " muni-
ments" are kept. Another tower was roofed in the
year when the Chapel was begun. It is described as
"in the wall towards the College meadows," and is
probably identical with a tower "by the water"
mentioned in the accounts for building the walls, and
with what was afterwards known as the " Song School."
Under that name it appears in Agas' map. From the
building accounts it appears to have been furnished with
a " vyse," and to have had two moulded windows. It
stood just by the Cherwell end of the present "New
Buildings," and was demolished to make room for them
in 1734.

In the general arrangement of his buildings, Wayn-
flete imitated, as to some very important points, the
model furnished by Wykeham's design at New College.
The Chapel and Hall, taken together, form one side of
the Quadrangle ; the wall which separates them forms
the east end of the Chapel, which has no east window ;
the Hall is placed in the upper storey of its portion of
the block, having rooms below it on the ground floor.
One of these, now the Fellows1 Common-room, was the
vestry of the Chapel, with which it communicated by
two doorways, one on each side of the high altar. These
doorways into the vestibulum are mentioned in the

From a photograph by] [Ronald P. Jones, Magd. Coll.

THE FOUNDER'S TOWER

THE FOUNDER'S BUILDINGS 25

building accounts, but they had been long blocked up
and forgotten when they were discovered shortly before
the " restoration " of the Chapel in 1829. The other
principal room below the Hall was the " exchequer " or
Bursary.

As to the form of the Chapel, again, Waynflete
followed in the main the plan adopted by Wykeham at
New College and by Chicheley at All Souls, which was
revived in the seventeenth century at Wadham, and
followed by the builders of the later Chapels of Oriel
and Brasenose. The Chapel consists of a choir and a
very short nave with two aisles. On the south side of
the choir there was a small square transept of the same
height as the choir itself. The traces of the arch may
still be seen on the outside of the south wall. This
transept remained until the eighteenth century. Its
roof is shown in Loggan's print, and it appears also in
the view and the ground-plan of the College in Williams1
Oxonia Depicta (1726-33) and in the Oxford Almanacs
for 1730 and 1731. It is most likely that its removal
took place before the end of 1733, as it does not
appear in the map of Oxford engraved by Toms in that
year.* The reason for its destruction is unknown and
the purpose for which it was intended is uncertain. In
Ingram's Memorials of Oxford and in Buckler's work on
the architecture of the College it is called the " Arundel
Chapel " ; but this is a mistake. The Arundel altar is
mentioned in Waynflete's statutes as situated in the
nave of the Chapel : and the directions contained in the
statutes seem to warrant the inference that (with one

* This map is included in Williams' Oxonia Depicta : the plates
referred to above, contained in the same work, are probably of
rather earlier date.

26 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

exception to be mentioned directly) there was no altar
in the choir save the high altar. It seems possible that
the transept was merely a recess intended to provide
space for the small organs or other instruments which
were used to accompany the voices of the choir.

A small oratory constructed in the thickness of the
north wall of the choir, close to the high altar, and
separated from the choir by a stone screen, contained an
altar which was occasionally used for the daily Requiem
mass. There were six altars in the nave, at one of
which (the "Arundel altar") the earliest of the four
daily masses was said. It was probably to allow this
altar to be seen from the interior of the muniment-
tower that the small window was made which still
appears, though partly blocked up, in the north wall of
the ante-chapel.

Waynflete's choice of the site for his Chapel and
Hall, probably determined by the position of some of
the Hospital buildings which he meant to retain, made
it impossible for him to follow Wykeham's design in
regard to the treatment of the cloister. At New
College the cloister forms a separate quadrangle, having
its east walk parallel to the west front of the Chapel.
At Magdalen, the west front of the Chapel came too
near the line of the street (and probably of buildings
facing the street) to allow room for a cloister on the site
of S. John's Quadrangle. The west front of the Chapel,
the effect of which must have been much finer before
the alteration which converted Orcheyerd's great window
of seven lights into an indifferent picture-frame, was
thus left open to view. The cloister was placed to the
north of the Chapel, and made part of the buildings of
the main Quadrangle. It was constructed with a flat

THE FOUNDER'S BUILDINGS 27

timber roof, so as to carry, on three of its four sides,
part of the upper storey of the buildings. The south
walk, adjoining the Chapel and Hall, was not intended
to carry any superstructure, and its erection was not
taken in hand at once. The number of cloister windows
specified in Orcheyerd's tender was evidently not in-
tended to cover those of the south cloister as well as of
the other three sides. This walk may not have formed
part of the Founder's design ; it was not completed till
1490-91, some years after his death. A small oratory
was placed upon its roof close to the angle of the
Chapel wall. This, no doubt, communicated with the
rooms in the upper storey of the west side. It was not
replaced when the south cloister was rebuilt in 1827.

From each side of the cloister there was a path towards
the centre of the enclosure, where, as in some monastic
houses, the lavatory was placed. Its site appears from
an entry in the accounts for 1483, for the repair of the
" lavacrum in medio claustri."

The Chapel was connected with the cloister by a
porch which has long been used as the ordinary entrance
to the Quadrangle, but was originally meant to serve as
the entrance from the cloister to the Chapel. The
main entrance to the cloister was by the gateway under
the Founder's Tower. Over this gate was the principal
chamber of the President, to whom also belonged the
rooms of the upper storey between the tower and the
Chapel, and some of the rooms on the ground floor of
this side. The Library occupied its present place in
the upper storey to the north of the tower, but did not
extend to the end of the west front. The whole of the
north and east sides of the Quadrangle were divided
into chambers for the use of members of the College

28 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

and of such guests as were lodged within its walls. The
Kitchen (probably the old kitchen of the Hospital) was
outside the Quadrangle, between the Hall and the
Cherwell. Another kitchen, for the service of the
President, was also outside the Quadrangle, on the
west, probably on ground now covered by the additional
buildings of the Lodgings.

The date when the building of the Chapel was com-
pleted cannot be accurately stated ; it is clear, how-
ever, that it was not quite finished in April 1479, and
as there is no record of its consecration in the Register
which begins in August 1480, it may be assumed that
the consecration took place before the date of the first
entry in the Register. A manuscript note in the
calendar of a breviary which belonged to some member
of the College in the first half of the sixteenth
century shows that October 20 was observed as the
anniversary of the consecration. It would seem, more-
over, that the College buildings were occupied before
August 1480, for on April 10, 1480, an agreement was
made by the College with the Vicar of S. Peter's in the
East as to tithes and oblations within its precincts.
The Vicar resigns all these to the College, receiving
from it an annual grant by way of compensation. On
July 6 in the same year Rotherham, Bishop of Lincoln,
transfers the College from his own diocesan jurisdiction
to that of the Bishop of Winchester, and this transfer-
ence was confirmed by the Dean and Chapter of Lincoln
on July 22 of the same year. These arrangements
seem to show that the College buildings were already
brought into use, and it appears that grammar teaching
was given within the College from the Easter of 1480,
before the buildings of the Grammar School were begun.

THE FOUNDER'S BUILDINGS 29

These buildings, the last important part of the
College erected in the Founder's lifetime, were begun
in August 1480. They stood outside the west gate
of the College, on the ground between the present
S. Swithun's Buildings and the small block which now
bears the name of the " Grammar Hall," a name by
which the School and the buildings immediately adj oin-
ing it were known in the fifteenth century. The School
buildings themselves consisted of a schoolroom with
chambers for the Master and Usher, and a kitchen.
The present " Grammar Hall " in part belonged to the
ancient building, in part to a group of buildings which
grew up round it, and were occupied as a hall by
students of the University, probably for the most part
attending the teaching of the Grammar Master. The
society of students inhabiting these buildings were
under a Principal, who paid rent to the College for the
buildings. The earliest of these Principals is mentioned
in the College accounts as making payment for the
"Grammar Hall," but this name seems to have been
very soon laid aside in favour of the name of " Magdalen
Hall," by which the buildings and the society inhabiting
them are alike described from the first years of the six-
teenth century onwards. The connection of the Hall
with the College was at first a close one, in so far that
the early Principals were all, or almost all, Fellows of
the College. But, apart from this personal connection,
and from the fact that the College were the owners of
the site of the Hall, and received rent for it, the two
societies were entirely separate. The College had no
jurisdiction over the Hall, or over any persons residing
in it who were not also members of the College itself.
At a later time, indeed, a different view prevailed, and

30 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

KEY TO THE GROUND-PLAN

Buildings of the Hospital of S. John, incorporated in Waynflete's
buildings, marked ==

Other early buildings of the College (before 1500) marked — —

Later buildings, still remaining, marked

Sites of various buildings now removed, marked — — —

A. Chapel of the Hospital, altered 1665. B. Kitchen (?) of the
Hospital, now part of the College Kitchen. C. Site of Hospital
buildings, afterwards the Divinity Reader's Lodgings, removed 1783.
D. Site of old Stables, shown in Loggan's print ; date of removal
unknown. E. Probable site of part of the Hospital buildings : the
whole of this front was rebuilt in 1822.

F. Chapel of the College, begun 1474. G. Hall. H. The
"Founder's Tower." I. The muniment-tower. K. Site of entrance
gates : new gate (Inigo Jones) erected in 1635 ; another (A. W.
Pugin) in 1844 : removed in 1883. L. Site of the old Grammar
School: the upper storey sand the building adjoining were after wards
occupied by Magdalen Hall. School-room removed 1828. M. The
President's Lodgings. Buildings additional to the rooms in the
Founder's Tower erected (probably on this site) in 1485 : altered
and increased at various times. The present Lodgings begun 1886.
N. Site of the Gallery, or " Election-chamber," built probably
c. 1520-30, removed 1770. O. The Great Tower, begun 1492,
finished c. 1506. P. Later buildings of the Chaplain's Quadrangle,
built 1507-9. Q. " Kitchen staircase," built 1635. R. South part
of S. John's Quadrangle (perhaps includes part of the Hospital
buildings): altered or rebuilt c. 1635. S. "West's Buildings,"
erected 1783. T. " S. Swithun's Buildings," begun 1880. V. Site
of the buildings of Magdalen Hall, erected at various times between
1480 and 1820.

i. Position of the great Oak-tree, which fell in 1789. 2. Site of
the cross opposite to the entrance to the Hospital, destroyed 1562.
3. Position of outdoor pulpit, formerly connected with the Hospital
Chapel. 4. Site of transept, removed c. 1731. 5. Position of oratory
on the roof of the cloister, finished 1491, removed in 1827 when the
south cloister was rebuilt,

THE FOUNDER'S BUILDINGS

31

32 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

it was supposed that the Hall, as well as the College,
was founded by Waynflete, while the College claimed
the right to nominate the Principals of the Hall. But
the proceedings which followed upon this claim, and
which resulted in the establishment of the independence
of the Hall, belong to the later history. It may be
sufficient here to note the fact that the origin of the
Hall is to be traced to the time when the School and
the buildings adjoining it were first erected.

[The original authorities used for this Chapter are the early
building accounts preserved in the muniment-room of the College
(a transcript of which is in the College Library), and the deeds and
contracts relating to the buildings, also in the muniment-room.
These deeds are included in the Calendar of the College muniments
made by Mr. Macray. Some details are derived from entries in the
earliest Register of the College, known as "Ledger A," from early
account-books, and from the portions of the Founder's Statutes
relating to the Chapel.]

CHAPTER III

THE FOUNDER'S STATUTES

WILLIAM TYBARD, the President appointed by the
foundation-charter, governed the College for more
than twenty years without Statutes. But when the
society was about to pass into a new condition of life,
and to be brought into full working order in its new
home, he may have felt himself unequal to the task of
its management. He was now an old man, and his
health was failing. It seemed good, therefore, that he
should resign his office, and that the charge which he
had held should be given into other hands.

As his successor Waynflete chose Richard Mayew, a
Doctor of Theology, who had been a Fellow of New
College ; and Mayew, sent to the College by the
Founder, arrived on August 23, 1480. He was
" honourably received " by Tybard, who on the same
day resigned the Presidentship. On the 24th Mayew
took the oath prescribed by the Founder, and exhibited
to the Scholars a letter from Waynflete, directing them
to receive and obey him as their President. He also
produced certain Statutes made by Waynflete as to the
obedience due to him, and as to the dress of the
members of the College, which the Scholars were called
upon to swear that they would observe. About one-
third of the whole number refused, and were suspended

34 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

from the benefits of membership until they complied.
They do not seem to have made long delay. At the
same time Richard Berne was declared to be a " true
and perpetual Fellow " of the College, and readmitted
to the office of Vice-President. The other Scholars
(one Bachelor of Theology, twenty-eight Masters and
seven Bachelors of Arts) remained on the footing of
Scholars on " probation.1' This fact, and the difficulty
as to the oath, together with the significant record that
Mayew, before assuming office, delivered an " oration
exhorting to peace and concord," may perhaps suggest
that the last period of Tybard's government had not
been tranquil. But it may be that Waynflete was not
yet prepared to organise the College completely, and
chose to keep everything for the present much as it
had been, only providing the new President with an
efficient and permanent lieutenant. William Collett,
one of the Scholars on probation, was appointed
Bursar.

In January 1481, Sixtus IV., by a bull, confirmed
Waynflete^s Statutes for the College, together with the
transference of the College from the diocesan jurisdic-
tion of Lincoln to that of Winchester. The Statutes,
therefore, were apparently already formulated ; but
they were not as yet promulgated by the Founder to
the College in a complete form.

On September 20, 1481, the Founder himself came
to visit the College, and was received " not only as
Founder but as Ordinary and Visitor." He brought
with him deeds to be stored in the muniment-room, and
about 800 volumes of books to be added to the Library.
Two days later, Edward IV. came from Woodstock to
see the College and passed the night within the walls.

THE FOUNDER'S STATUTES 35

Waynflete seems to have made a longer stay, and was
present at an election of Bursars on October 10.

Early in the next year some discussion seems to have
arisen on the election of Proctors, a fruitful cause of
strife in any College which contained members of the
two opposing parties of North and South. Waynflete
wrote to direct that the College should act in such
matters as the majority might decide, and that those
who would not agree to abide by the decision of the
majority should be ejected from their place. Three
Masters, not named in the record, refused to accept this
decision, and were ejected accordingly, " which thing
was very well pleasing to the Founder.11

In July 1482, Mayew brought to the College certain
additional Statutes received from Waynflete, chiefly
treating of the elections and admissions of the Scholars.
In accordance with these various elections took place,
so that the body of Scholars was made practically com-
plete. In the first place a number of Scholars were
admitted as " true and perpetual Fellows." The three
Deans were then chosen by the President and the
thirteen senior Fellows, and the President, Vice-Presi-
dent and Deans proceeded to elect Scholars described as
," medios comunarios," commonly called Demies. Next
a number of Scholars were elected " to a year of proba-
tion " — that is, to the position of " probationer
Fellows," who might at the end of a year be admitted as
"true and perpetual." The whole number of places
appointed in the Statutes was not, however, as yet filled
up ; and occasional elections continued to be made at
short intervals for some time.

As in the buildings of his College, so also in the
Statutes by which it was to be governed, which had

36 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

probably now, for the most part, been delivered,
Waynflete evidently followed in many points the model
of Wykeham's foundation at New College. He fre-
quently borrows the language of WykehanTs Statutes
with little or no change. But there are important
differences as well as points of agreement. These were,
no doubt, partly due to the desire to provide for new
educational needs, but they were also due in part to
the fact that the College was the successor and represen-
tative of the Hospital of S. John.

In the number of his Scholars, Waynflete follows
Wykeham. Magdalen, like New College, was to be a
College of a President and seventy Scholars. But
while in WykehanVs scheme all the Scholars, after two
years1 probation, were members of the society on prac-
tically equal terms, the case was different in Magdalen.
Both at New College and at Magdalen a certain weight
was given to the senior members ; in certain matters a
limited number of the senior Fellows acted with the
Head ; and certain officers were entrusted with definite
authority. But, otherwise, Wykeham's Scholars, after
their term of probation, were on an equality. They
were alike in name, in allowance, in the possession of the
right, which may be said to be the test of full member-
ship, of voting in the election of their Head. At
Magdalen the Scholars are divided into two classes,
with a clear line between them. The Fellows, forty
in number, form one class ; the thirty Demies form
another. The tenure of the Demies is limited : the
allowance of a Demy is half the allowance of a Fellow.
The Fellows alone have a voice in choosing the Presi-
dent. The election of the two classes is guided by
different rules.

THE FOUNDER'S STATUTES 37

The Demies were to be chosen by the President, Vice-
President and three Deans. They were to be selected
from parishes or places in which the College had pos-
sessions, or from counties within which such possessions
were situated. They must have reached their twelfth
year ; they must not retain their Demyships after their
twenty-fifth year. They were not to begin the study
of Logic and Sophistry till they had been sufficiently
instructed in Grammar, and two or three at least of
their number were to devote themselves to the study of
Grammar, Poetry and " other arts of humanity," with a
view of qualifying themselves for teaching others.

The Fellows, who were to be chosen in the first place
for admission to a year of probation, were to be elected
by the President and the whole body of Fellows. They
were, as a rule, to be Bachelors or Masters of Arts, and
were to be chosen from certain dioceses and counties.
Five were to be from the diocese of Winchester, seven
from Lincolnshire, four from Oxfordshire, four from the
diocese of Norwich, three from Berkshire, two from the
diocese of Chichester, two from Gloucestershire, two
from Warwickshire ; Buckingham, Kent, Nottingham,
Essex, Somerset, London, Northampton, and Wiltshire
were each to supply one. Two, who were to be " chap-
lains " on the foundation of Thomas Ingledew, were to
be, if possible, from the dioceses of York or Durham ;
and one, in respect of the benefaction of John Forman,
was to be chosen from Yorkshire.*

* These were maximum numbers. There were, e.g., to be not
more than five Winchester Fellows. The provision was evaded by
a practice which soon grew up and long continued, by which Fellows
were chosen as for one county or diocese though actually belonging
to another, being "transferred" to their proper diocese or county
when a vacancy occurred.

38 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

As to the studies of the Fellows, again, there is a
marked difference between Wykeham's directions and
those of Waynflete. Wykeham places the study of the
Civil and Canon Law next to the study of Theology.
Twenty of his Scholars were to be Jurists. Waynflete
brings into prominence the study of Moral and Natural
Philosophy. Two or three of his forty Fellows may be
allowed to study Civil or Canon Law, two or three to
study Medicine. The rest are to devote themselves to
Theology or to Philosophy.

Wykeham had directed that one or more of the
Fellows of his College should be chosen to give instruc-
tion to the juniors in the faculties of Arts and Civil
Law. Waynflete, while adopting this section of the
New College Statutes, altered it to suit his own purpose.
The instruction so given was to be especially in Logic
and Sophistry : the Jurists might, at the discretion of
the President and one of the Deans, be allowed to share
in the advantages of tuition : and the time during which
the juniors were to be allowed instruction was slightly
extended. But at Magdalen the teaching under this
clause formed part of a more fully developed scheme,
which made it possible for a member of the College to
obtain teaching, through his whole University course,
within the College itself.

The Grammar Master and the Usher provided the
instruction which Wykehamfs Scholars would have
obtained at Winchester before their election to New
College. The College lecturers carried them on a stage
farther, by teaching Logic and Sophistry; and the
higher teaching of the faculties of Arts and Theology
were provided for by the appointment of Readers, one
in Natural Philosophy, one in Moral Philosophy or

THE FOUNDER'S STATUTES 39

Metaphysics, and one in Theology. These Readers
were to be chosen from outside the College, if by that
means better teachers could be obtained. If they were
not Fellows, they were to have, besides their stipend as
Readers, an allowance equal to that of a Fellow, and to
be entitled to succeed to the first Fellowships that
might become vacant, without regard to diocese or
county. The stipends of the Readers were fixed at a
high rate : the two Philosophy Readers were each to
have £6 13«s. 4<d. a year, the Theology Reader £10 a year.

Thus the only members of the College for whose
teaching no regular provision was made were the
students -of Law and Medicine, two classes strictly
limited in number, and existing in the College not as a
matter of course, but, so to say, accidentally and on
sufferance. This was an important advance on
WykehanVs scheme. But the advance was greater than
this would imply. Waynflete's scheme (no doubt in
fulfilment of the pledge given when the Hospital was
annexed to the College) provided that the three Readers
were to give instruction without fee to all comers,
whether members of the College or not, " regulars " as
well as " seculars/1 The Grammar Master and his
assistant were also to teach all comers without fee or
charge, and Waynflete thus extended the benefits which
he substituted for those formerly dispensed by the
Hospital beyond the limits of his undertaking. Not
only in Theology and Philosophy, but also in Grammar,
and in the studies included under that term, free teaching
was provided at the cost of the College.

These parts of Waynflete's scheme are notable for
two reasons: the importance which he gives to the
teaching of "Grammar11 and the other "arts of

40 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

humanity,*" and his recognition of Natural and Moral
Philosophy, rather than of the Civil and Canon Law, as
studies auxiliary to Theology, may be said to mark his
attitude towards the learning of the Renaissance. The
endowment of public teaching, carried a step farther
several years afterwards by the Lady Margaret's
foundation of the first University Professorship, may be
said to have had its beginning in the Readerships
founded by Waynflete at Magdalen.

Both at New College and at Magdalen the choir of
the Chapel formed an important part of the foundation.
The number of priests as compared with that of clerks
was much less in Waynflete's foundation than in that
of Wykeham, though the whole number of the choir
was almost the same. At Magdalen, provision was
made for four priests, eight clerks, and sixteen choristers.
At New College, the priests were to be ten and the
clerks three. At Magdalen an "instructor of the
choristers " was to be added, if none of the Chaplains or
Clerks was willing to undertake the office. For an
organist, as such, there was no provision: but in
practice the "informator choristarum " seems to have
generally acted as organist, receiving a stipend for his
work in each capacity.

The " seven priests " of Fastolf s transferred foundation
were represented by the four Chaplains, the junior priest
among the Fellows, and the two Fellows appointed to
say two of the daily masses. They had no special
allowance in respect of Fastolf s endowment. The seven
eldest Demies, representing the " seven poor folk," each
received, according to the Statutes, one penny a week ;
and to them, in later times, a College jest gave the title
of " FalstafTs buckram men.11

THE FOUNDER'S STATUTES 41

The directions of the Statutes as to the daily prayers
of the members of the College follow with curious
exactness the parallel rules of Wykeham : there are, of
course, differences of detail, but the main outline is the
same. In the rules laid down for the Chapel services
there is rather more divergence. At New College the
daily masses (to be said, as a rule, by the Chaplains)
were more numerous than those prescribed at Magdalen,
where two out of the four were assigned to Fellows, the
Chaplains being appointed only for the mass de die, on
ordinary days. In both Colleges the use of Sarum
was to be followed, except as to certain specified
points.

Wykeham's Statutes had not allowed the introduction
of commensales, or non-foundationers living as members
of the College. This system had probably grown in
Oxford since the foundation of New College, and
Waynflete definitely recognised it, while he limited the
number who might be so admitted. They were not to
be more than twenty, and the privilege was to be
reserved for the sons of noble and powerful friends of
the College. Those so admitted were to live at the
charge of their own kindred, not at that of the College,
and were to be placed under the care and guidance of
" creancers " who were to act as sureties for the due
payment of their College accounts.

The management of the College was placed by the
Statutes for the most part in the hands of the President,
but he was required in some minor matters to have the
advice and consent of one or more of the Deans; in
more important matters the thirteen senior Fellows
were to act as his assistants, and in cases in which the
interests of the College were seriously involved he was

42 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

to consult with the whole body of Fellows. The Vice-
President, Deans, and Bursars were to be chosen by the
President and thirteen seniors. The Vice-President
had the duty of general superintendence under the
President, and took his place in a vacancy, or in the
absence of the President. The Deans were three in
number, the Dean of Divinity having special charge of
the Scholars in his own faculty and in that of Canon
Law, the two Deans of Arts superintending the Scholars
in Arts, Civil Law, and Medicine. The three Bursars
were charged with the receiving of rent and other
College income, and with the payment of sums due by
the College. The purchases of the ordinary supplies
for the members were under the supervision of a Fellow
appointed as Steward (seneschallus) from week to week,
and of the manciple, who was the principal College
servant. For special works of importance, such as new
buildings, the general practice seems to have been that
adopted by the Founder : a Fellow was chosen to act as
superintendent of the work, accounting for all sums
received and expended by him.

In his directions for the choice of a President, the
Founder departed from Wykeham's rules, and framed a
scheme which seems to have been original, so far as
Oxford Colleges wrere concerned. The whole body of
Fellows were to choose two persons, from among those
who were or had been Fellows either of Magdalen or of
New College. Of these two, the thirteen seniors were
to choose one as President. The plan, perhaps, was
suggested by Chicheley's Statute for All Souls, where
two candidates were to be named, but the choice between
them was to be made by the Visitor. At Magdalen the
person finally selected by the thirteen seniors was to be

THE FOUNDER'S STATUTES 43

presented to the Visitor for the confirmation of his
election. The office of Visitor was vested in the Bishop
of Winchester for the time being, or in the guardian of
the spirituality in case of a vacancy in the See.

In most of the provisions of the Statutes which deal
with the daily life of the members of the College the
influence of Wykeham's Statutes is clearly marked.
The enactments as to dress, as to the use of Latin in
conversation, as to the closing of the gates, and the
like, are very similar to those at New College. But
there are some curious differences of detail. Card-
playing now seemed to require a special mention among
prohibited amusements. On the other hand, Waynflete
does not forbid chess, which Wykeham had classed
among " noxious and inordinate " games. Nor does he,
like Wykeham (who alleges among his reasons possible
danger to the ornaments of the Chapel screen), think it
necessary to forbid dancing and wrestling in the Hall
or Chapel.

The distribution of rooms among the members of the
College was to be made on the principle of placing
several inmates in each room : in the larger rooms there
were to be two " principal " beds and two " trookyll
beddys " ; in the smaller, two " principal " beds and one
" trookyll" bed, if space allowed. The Fellows who
occupied the " principal " beds were to have special
charge of the Demies and Choristers who were quartered
in the same room. The juniors in each room, no doubt,
were expected to keep the rooms in order, and to "fag"
for the seniors. The servants of the College, though
apparently more numerous than those of New College,
were few, and had special duties assigned to them. The
Choristers waited in Hall, a custom which was retained

44 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

until 1802, and continued, as a form, at the "Gaudy"
for many years after that date.

The observance of the Statutes was, of course, enforced
by penalties : for various breaches of them loss of com-
mons for one or more days was prescribed; in other
cases the penalty was to be fixed by the officers who
dealt with the offence. Attendance at lectures (which
began at six in the morning) and at disputations within
the College, was enforced by like means. Once every
year a " scrutiny " was to be held, when those reported
as offenders were to be " reformed and corrected," the
accused not being allowed to know the names of the
persons who reported them; and the Visitor was entitled,
either at the request of the President or Officers, or
of the Senior Fellows, or of the whole College, or on
his own account, to visit the College, in person or by
commissaries, to inquire into the state of its affairs,
and rectify what seemed to be amiss.

The Code of Statutes was apparently, as we have seen,
not all delivered at once : the Founder, during his life,
added enactments and explanations from time to time,
as need required : but for practical purposes the scheme
may be regarded as completed when the College was
organised by the admission of its various constituents
and the election of its body of officers. Before the end
of the year 1482, Waynflete^s foundation was in full
working order.

[The original authorities used for this chapter are the Founder's
Statutes and " Ledger A."]

CHAPTER IV

THE EARLY YEARS OF THE COLLEGE

(1480-1507)

THE records of the College during the Presidency of
Mayew and his immediate successors are scanty. The
"Register,'" or "Ledger,"" in which documents of im-
portance were copied, begins in August 1480 ; but the
first volumes of this series are imperfect ; they contain
no record of matters which might have been expected
to find a place in them ; and the early account-books of
the College, though many of them have been preserved,
and supply numerous interesting hints and suggest
some odd questions on antiquarian points, do not afford
much in the way of definite statement as material for
history.

During the remaining years of his life the Founder
obtained for his College considerable additions to its
property by means of the annexation of ecclesiastical
foundations. The Hospital, or Chantry, of Romney,
the Chapel of S. Katharine at Wanborough, the two
Hospitals of SS. John and James at Brackley and
Aynho, were annexed, after due inquiry, between 1481
and 1485. In 1484 Waynflete issued a commission for
annexing the Augustinian Priory of Selborne in Hamp-
shire, a house which had long been in an unsatisfactory
state. Wykeham had " visited " it, and endeavoured

46 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

to reform it : Waynflete had removed more than one
Prior without effecting improvement, and at last deter-
mined to suppress it. The formal process was twice
carried through, probably on account of some flaw in
the first proceedings ; and the final sanction of Pope
Innocent VIII. for all these annexations was only given
a few months before Waynflete's death.

In 1483 the Founder again came to Oxford, to pre-
pare for a visit from Richard III., who was making
a progress through England after his appropriation
of the throne. The new King arrived on July 24 :
he was met on entering Oxford by the Chancellor
and Masters of the University and "received proces-
sionally " at Magdalen by Waynflete and the members
of the College. He remained at Magdalen, with the
nobles and bishops of his train, for two days. On the
25th, at his command, disputations were held before
him in the Hall, and those who took part in them were
rewarded by gifts of money and venison. Among the
disputants was William Grocyn, now Reader in Theology,
who " responded " in the Divinity disputation, and re-
ceived a buck and 5 marks. Richard seems to have
made a good impression, both on the University and on
the College : the College record of his visit closes with
the words " Vivat rex in eternum."

In the same year some additions to the Statutes were
promulgated : the most important of these deals with
the " livery,*" or allowance for clothing, to be made to
the members of the College : another fixes the weekly
allowance of the resident Demies at 8d.9 or half the
maximum allowance to Fellows. The Fellows1 allowance
continued to vary within certain limits according to the
price of corn.

EARLY YEARS OF THE COLLEGE 47

In 1485, Waynflete appears to have lent ^100 to
Richard III. shortly before the landing of Richmond,
but he probably welcomed the result of the battle of
Bosworth; and Mayew attended the coronation of
Henry VII. "by command of the Founder." Henry
was, no doubt, aware of Waynflete's old attachment to
the House of Lancaster, and the College had other
friends at Court in the persons of Morton, afterwards
Archbishop and Cardinal, and of Richard Fox, who
had probably himself been for a time one of its mem-
bers. The Act of Resumption passed? in Henry's first
Parliament contained a clause guarding the interests of
the College.

The Founder died on August 11, 1486. By his
will, dated April 27 in the same year, he directed
that all his manors (with one exception), his lands
and tenements, not belonging to his See, should be
applied for the perpetual use of his College, the needs
of which were to be favourably considered by his
executors, and relieved as far as possible from the
residue of his estate. After his death a large amount
of movables, including probably much of the furniture
of his private chapel, was brought from Waltham to
the College; three carts were employed in conveying
the goods. It was, no doubt, at this time that the
College obtained his staff and mitre, and other pontifical
ornaments. Of these the only relics now in the posses-
sion of the College are his sandals and buskins, and
some pieces of embroidery which perhaps formed part
of the ornaments of some other vestment. The mitre
and crosier, as we shall see, were lost in the troubles of
the seventeenth century. A copy of the Statutes, which
he directed to be sent to the College after his death, is also

48 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

preserved in the Library. He was buried, as he enjoined
in his will, in the beautiful little chapel of S. Mary
Magdalen, which he had built in the cathedral church
of Winchester.

In 1487 or 1488 the College was visited by Henry VII.,
who made a characteristically frugal offering at the
altar in the Chapel. He continued, during his lifetime,
to show favour to Waynflete's foundation in various
ways. Mayew stood high in his estimation, became his
almoner, and was employed by him at different times for
important services.

The buildings of the College received about this time
some important additions. Between 1485 and 1488
new buildings were erected as part of the President's
Lodgings " between his chamber and his kitchen," on the
site, probably, of the present Lodgings. In 1487 the
" house of the School of the Choristers " was finished.
This may have been some building in connection with the
" Song School " already mentioned, which included, in
the eighteenth century, rooms occupied by the organist.*
In 1490 the south cloister was built, the old walls near
the Kitchen were rebuilt, and a great gate with a postern
erected. In 1492 a more important work was begun.
On August 9 of that year the " first corner-stone " of
the new bell-tower was laid by the President. The
building of this tower seems to have been nearly com-
pleted in 1504, as in the year 1504-5 the bells were
removed to it, and an old bell-tower (probably part of
the Hospital buildings), the site of which cannot be
determined, was pulled down.

The principal mason employed in the work was

* Hearne, noting its demolition in February 1734, speaks of it as
" the organist's house."

From a photograph by] [Ronald P. Jones, Magd. Coll.

SOUTH SIDE OF THE CLOISTERS
SHOWING PARTS OF THE CHAPEL, HALL, AND BELL-TOWER

EARLY YEARS OF THE COLLEGE 49

named Raynold or Raynolds ; the work was at first
supervised by Richard Gosmore, and afterwards by
Thomas Prutt; but the accounts of the years during
which the building was in progress are incomplete, and
it is possible that other Fellows besides these two may
have been specially concerned in its superintendence.

Two questions, one of historical and one of anti-
quarian interest, relating to the Tower, may be briefly
dealt with here. The first relates to Wolsey 's connec-
tion with the building. There is no evidence that he
was either the originator of the plan of building the
Tower, or the architect who designed it. It is not
certain that he was a Fellow, or, indeed, a member of
the College at all, at the time when the work began.
His name first appears in the existing records in 1497,
and it then stands in the list of Fellows in a position
which suggests that his election as Probationer took
place in 1491 or 1492. He would in this case have
been among the j uniors of the Fellows, both in age and
in College standing, at the time when the Tower was
begun. Had he been the designer of the Tower he would
most likely have been appointed to supervise its erection.
But this task was fulfilled by Gosmore, one of the
senior Fellows, apparently till 1499. During part of
that year Wolsey was Junior Bursar ; but there is
nothing in the accounts which suggests that he had any
special charge of the building. In the year 1499-1500
he was Senior Bursar ; but the accounts of that year are
not now to be found. In 1500 he became Dean of
Divinity, and from that year onwards Prutt appears to
have been supervisor of the Tower. If Wolsey acted in
that capacity at all it must have been in 1499 or 1500.
In October of the latter year he was instituted to the

D

50 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

Rectory of Lymington, a benefice which was not, ac-
cording to the Statutes, tenable with a Fellowship for
more than a year. He therefore probably ceased to be
Fellow by October 1501. The College records do not
bear out the story, related by some of his biographers,
that he left the College because he had wrongly applied
some of its funds to the building of the Tower. He
remained in College after his term of office as Bursar,
holding another office.

The other question relates to the custom of singing
on the Tower in the early morning on the first of May.
It has been alleged that this usage has some special
connection with the benefactions of Henry VII., and
with the observance of the " obit " of the King on the
same day. This account of the matter takes various
forms. It has been stated that a payment made to the
College by the Rectory of Slymbridge is intended, or
was directed by Henry VII., to be applied to the main-
tenance of the custom. It has been stated that the
hymn which is now sung every year is the surviving
relic of a former custom of saying a yearly requiem mass
for the King on the top of the Tower. This legend is
sometimes combined with the other.

That mass was ever said on the top of the Tower is a
thing exceedingly unlikely, and there is no evidence of
such a proceeding. The hymn now sung is not part of
the service of the requiem mass according to any use.
It was written in the seventeenth century by Dr.
Thomas Smith (Fellow 1665-92), and set to the music to
which it is still sung, as part of the College " grace," by
Benjamin Rogers, who was Organist from 1664 to 1686.

Henry VII. possibly did contribute to the building of
the Tower ; certain sums received, during the time when

EARLY YEARS OF THE COLLEGE 51

the work was proceeding, from the " collectors of the
fifteenth" were applied to this purpose, and as the
College (as representing the Hospital) claimed, and was
allowed, exemption from payment of fifteenths, these
sums were probably donations from the Crown. He
did grant a licence for the conveyance to the College of
the advowsons of Slymbridge and of Findon ; and in
connection with the annexation of Findon to the Col-
lege, the College undertook to keep an " obit " for him
every year. But there is no evidence which connects
these facts with the usage of singing on the Tower.
The charge of £10 on the Rectory of Slymbridge most
probably represents, by composition, the charge of a
third part of the tithe of that Rectory, granted to the
College in 1501 by the Bishop of Worcester, not for the
maintenance of any special custom, but for the general
purposes of the College. The annual commemoration
of Henry VII. was originally fixed on the 2nd or 3rd of
October, not on the first of May, though it has been
held at the latter time certainly since the early part of
the sixteenth century.

It seems not unlikely that the usage of singing on the
Tower began when the Tower itself was new, and that it
had its origin in an inauguration ceremony, for which
the early hours of May-day might then have seemed a
reasonable occasion. How the " obit " of Henry VII.
came to be held on the same day is not clear. The first
of May was not the day either of the King^s death or of
his burial ; but it falls between the two, and may have
been the day on which the College kept an " obit " for
him in the year of his decease, and been treated from
that year onwards as the proper day for his annual
remembrance.

52 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

As to the singing itself, it appears, from the earliest
account we have of it, not to have been originally a
religious ceremony at all. Wood says concerning it : —

" The choral Ministers of this House do, according to an
ancient custom, salute Flora every year on the first of May
at four in the morning with vocal music of several parts.
Which having been sometimes well performed hath given
great content to the neighbourhood and auditors under-
neath."*

This suggests something of the nature of a secular
concert; and it appears that in the middle of the
eighteenth century the performance was

"a merry Concert of both Vocal and Instrumental
Music, consisting of several merry Ketches, and lasting
almost 2 hours, "f

This concert, as in Wood's day, began at four in the
morning. The adoption of the present hour of five, and
the substitution of the hymn from the College " grace "
for the " merry ketches," are believed to have been due
to stress of weather on a particular occasion in the
latter part of the eighteenth century, when, the usual
concert being found impossible, the Organist and choir
ascended the Tower and sang the hymn, choosing it,
probably, as a piece of which the words and the music
were alike known by heart.'! The alteration, once made,
was no doubt found to save trouble in " rehearsals," and

* Wood, Colleges and Halls, p. 350.

f John Pointer, Oxoniensis Academia, p. 66.

J This account of the matter depends on information given by the
late Dr. Bloxam. He probably derived his knowledge from Dr.
Routh, whose personal recollections of the College went back to
1771.

EARLY YEARS OF THE COLLEGE 53

to relieve the choir from an observance which must, in
cold or wet weather, have been burdensome. It was
only natural that the exception should become the rule.
The wearing of surplices by the choir and other founda-
tioners was introduced at a later time still,* after the
regular use of the hymn had turned a secular observance
into a religious one.

During the course of the year 1495-6 the King's
eldest son, Arthur Prince of Wales, a boy of nine or ten
years of age, was an inmate of the College on two
occasions, residing apparently within the President's
Lodgings during his stay. Of these visits there is no
record beyond entries in the accounts : but the College
possesses an interesting memorial of the prince, belong-
ing to a rather later date. One of the ancient pieces of
tapestry preserved in the Lodgings represents the
marriage of Arthur to Katharine of Arragon. The
other pieces appear to be of the same period, and it may
be conjectured that they came to the College from
Mayew, to whom they may have been given either by
Henry or by his son at the time of the marriage, when
Mayew was one of the envoys who conducted Katharine
to England.

In the year after Wolsey's Bursarship the three
Bursars seem to have got into difficulties with their
accounts, and at the end of the year were "in non
mediocri debito Collegio." They promised to make
good the deficit by Whitsunday next, and their accounts
were passed on these terms. But from further notes it
appears that the promise was not fulfilled at the proper
time, and that their successors were hampered by

* This change, according to Dr. Bloxam, was made in 1844 by
the direction of Dr. Routh.

54 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

charges which had been unduly deferred. The accounts
for 1501-2 are incomplete, and do not show whether
the sum due to the College was actually made good or
not. In 1502-3 there was again trouble in the Bursary
of a more serious kind. The chest was robbed of a
sum of £11%. The three Bursars made oath as to the
fact, and their statement on the subject, signed by the
President, appears at the end of the year's accounts.
In the following year the College expended money more
than once in consulting astrologers with a view to dis-
covering the thief or recovering the lost money : but no
satisfactory result seems to have followed. The Bursars
themselves seem to have been held free from blame : one
of them was re-elected the following year, while another
became Dean of Divinity, and the third one of the
Deans of Arts. More significant, perhaps, is the fact
that no charge is made against any of them in connection
with this matter in the proceedings of Fox's Visitation
a few years later, though two of the three were much
concerned in the disputes which led to the visitation.
It is not unlikely that the fact of the robbery represents
the basis of the story concerning Wolsey, which is
recorded by Archbishop Parker, that he left the College
because he had broken into the Bursary, and kept out
of the way till the memory of his theft had been for-
gotten.* This story, again, has perhaps been modified
by more friendly biographers into the legend already
mentioned as to expenditure on the building of the
Tower.f But, as we have seen, Wolsey had in all
probability left Oxford before the robbery took place.
In October 1504 Mayew was consecrated as Bishop

* Parker, De Antiq. Bntannicae Ecclesiae (fol. 1605), p. 309.

t Fiddes, in his Life of Wolsey, seems to combine the two myths.

EARLY YEARS OF THE COLLEGE 55

of Hereford, but continued for a time to hold the
Presidentship together with his See. This arrangement
probably tended to diminish still further the regularity
of his residence in College, which had been interrupted
by frequent absences. The additional state which
he maintained as Bishop was also burdensome to
the College, which had to find accommodation for a
larger number of servants, and for additional horses.
The cost of this, and especially of building a new stable,
begun in this year, was matter of some complaint.
But a more serious result of the arrangement was the
rise of a dispute in the College as to its legality under
the Statutes. Two opposing factions were formed, one
of which asserted, while the other denied, that the office
of President was incompatible with Mayew's new
preferment. Other causes of strife also seem to have
been plentiful, and the general discipline of the College
seems to have been much relaxed. The quarrels, how-
ever, continued to smoulder for a time, without breaking
out into flame.

In 1505, after the Tower had been completed, we find
the first mention of the College clock. The mechanism
of the present clock, however, though antiquated, is not
of such a kind as to suggest that it is really the same
with the " clock of new iron " which a mason, a painter,
and a beer-brewer contracted to make for the sum of
<£] 0, to go sufficiently and truly for a year and a day
from All Saints1 Day of 1505.

In 1506 the crisis which had been for some time
impending at last arrived. The Vice-President, John
Stokesley, and other officers of the College acting with
him, appear to have formally declared that Mayew was
no longer to be regarded as President of the College.

56 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

This took place some time in November. The Bursars,
when summoned to submit their accounts before
Christmas, refused to do so ; and Mayew, together with
several Fellows who supported him, apparently declared
the officers' places vacant, and proceeded to elect others
in their room before the year's accounts were passed.
The Visitor, being consulted by the recalcitrant officers^
declared that the President's place could not be held
together with the Bishopric of Hereford, thus practically
deciding that the Presidentship was vacant. He pro-
hibited further action in the dispute, and sent John
Dowman, his Vicar-General, to visit the College as his
Commissary.

The Visitation, which lasted from January 20 to
January 30, 1507, is fully recorded in the Episcopal
Register at Winchester. Fifty -one questions were
drawn up, to which the members of the College who
were examined were required to give answer on oath.
The result of this method was that complaints were
made by each of the witnesses against other members of
the College, some of them being admitted by the
persons concerned, some of them being apparently mere
scandals, based on gossip or invention. The persons
most prominent in the two factions were naturally the
subjects of many complaints. Against Stokesley his
opponents brought charges of adultery, of receiving
stolen goods, of concealing the thief and smuggling
him away disguised as a Carmelite friar, and of having
baptized a cat at Coly weston " pro inveniendo thesauro."
He was also charged with heresy, but this is probably
intended to refer to the practice of magical arts in the
matter of the cat. On the other hand it was alleged
that the rival Vice-President and his supporters had

EARLY YEARS OF THE COLLEGE 57

conspired to defame Stokesley's character, and to suborn
evidence against him. They had also conspired to get
one of the Bursars arrested on a charge of felony.

It appeared that many of the Fellows kept dogs, one
of them also having a ferret, and that they made
frequent poaching expeditions ; some of them recom-
mended the Junior Bachelors and Scholars to hunt u by
day and night." Lectures and disputations were not
regularly held, and attendance at them was not duly
enforced : absence from College without leave was
apparently not uncommon. In Chapel, the services
were not performed as they ought to be : some of the
members of the College walked in the nave during
service, while others went to sleep : the Clerks were
negligent : one of the Chaplains (who had also dis-
tinguished himself by climbing the great gate of the
College) was frequently absent, and negligent when
present. The use of Latin in conversation, enjoined by
the Statutes, had been laid aside. There were factions
in the College, and several members were in the habit
of wearing arms. The servants, and in particular the
porter, were negligent. Strangers were frequently
brought into College, contrary to the Statute. In fact,
the statements made to the Commissary showed that
the College was much disorganised.

So far as any clear impression can be drawn from the
mass of contradictory evidence, it would seem that on
the whole Stokesley and those who acted with him had
been endeavouring to restore order, and that the
opposing party, headed by Gold, the Vice-President
appointed in Stokesley's room, had been more concerned
than Stokesley's adherents in the violation of the
Statutes, though in this matter neither party was free

58 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

from blame. The Commissary seems to have taken this
view of the matter ; for Gold was expelled on the
double ground of perjury and contumacy. Stokesley
was examined as to the more serious charges made
against him, which he denied on oath : no one
appeared to give evidence in support of the charges ;
and the Commissary " admitted him to purgation."
He produced " compurgators " (including one 'of the
opposite party), and was acquitted. The same course
was followed in the case of Stokys, another Fellow
against whom a grave charge had been made. Other
scandalous charges which appear in the answers delivered
by one or more Fellows seem to have been ignored :
probably the Commissary thought them not worth
further inquiry.

The principal members of the two parties (Gold
excepted) were solemnly admonished to avoid further
strife. Some penalties were imposed for breaches of
Statute, especially in the matter of card-playing, while
others were left to be dealt with by the College officers,
who were admonished to perform their duties in this
respect. Injunctions were laid upon the members of
the College with regard to the better observance of
points which needed reformation, and the Commissary
departed, leaving the College in the charge of Stokesley:
the Presidentship remained for a time in abeyance.

In this way Mayew's government of the College came
to an end in a time of confusion and disorder. But the
twenty-six years of his rule had been, in some respects,
years of prosperity. Under him the College numbered
among its members not a few who were men of mark in
the University, and some who, in later life, were dis-
tinguished as scholars, statesmen, or ecclesiastics.

EARLY YEARS OF THE COLLEGE 59

William Grocyn, as we have seen, was a member of
Magdalen before he left England to study on the
Continent. John Roper, one of Grocyn^s successors as
Divinity Reader, was a distinguished theologian. The
Grammar teaching of the College, on which the Founder
laid much stress, was carried on by scholars like
Anwykyll, Holte, and Stanbridge, whose methods and
works, maintained and improved by their pupils,
Whittinton and Lilye, set the standard of teaching in
English schools. It was under Mayew that his suc-
cessors, Claymond and Higdon, eminent among the
heads of Oxford Colleges in the sixteenth century, had
their training. Whether John Colet can be claimed as
a member of Magdalen is doubtful : but if, as has been
supposed, he was a Commoner of the College, he must
have been admitted in the early years of Mayew's
Presidency. Stokesley, whom we have seen as Vice-
President in the last days of Mayew, became afterwards
Bishop of London.

Wolsey, as we have seen, was Fellow during this
period. So was his successor in the See of York,
Edward Lee, a scholar of repute, though hardly equal
to the task of controversy with Erasmus. So were his
successors in the See of Lincoln, William Atwater and
John Longland. Waynflete^s foundation, within twenty
years from his death, had certainly established for itself
a high position as a place of learning, able to furnish
men for service in Church and State.

[The principal original authorities for this chapter are the deeds
and early account-books in the College muniment-room, entries in
"Ledger A," and the record of Fox's Visitation, of which a tran-
script is in the College Library.]

CHAPTER V

JOHN CLAYMOND, JOHN HIGDON,
LAURENCE STUBBS, 1507-1528

THE records of the Visitation do not give any direct
information as to the date at which Mayew ceased to
be President, but it may be inferred that Fox's decision
as to the " incompatibility " of his office as President
with his Bishopric took effect either in the last days of
1506 or in the first days of January 1507.* From some
documents appended to a copy of the process of the
Visitation, recently discovered at Farnham Castle, it
appears that on January 20 (the day on which the
Visitation began) the Fellows proceeded to elect a
new President, and that their choice fell upon John
Veysey, otherwise known as John Harman, a former
Fellow, who was at the time Archdeacon of Chester.f
Veysey, however, did not accept the Presidentship, and
in the following April formally renounced all claim to
the office, and resigned it into the hands of the Visitor.
Fox declared the Presidentship vacant, and ordered a
new election, and on May 3, 1507, John Claymond was

* The citation of the Visitor on January 14, 1507, is directed to
the Vice-President.

f He became Bishop of Exeter in 1519, and resigned the See in
1551. He was restored to it in 1553, and died in the following
year.

JOHN CLAYMOND 61

chosen as Veysey's successor.* His election was reported
to the Visitor in a letter setting forth the whole process,
dated on May 14, and on May 16 the President-
elect was presented to the Visitor by Stokesley, and the
election was confirmed.

The choice made by the Fellows, whether it was
spontaneous or suggested to them by Fox, was certainly
a good one. The new President was one under whose
rule peace was likely to be restored and maintained.
He was distinguished in his own day for his piety and
learning, and remembered long afterwards as a " a man
full of devotion and alms-deeds." Even the " martyr-
ologist " Foxe, when he mentions him, is careful to say
that he does so " for reverence and learning's sake," and
forbears to scoff at an instance of the devotion which he
practised.

Claymond had been a Demy and afterwards a Fellow
of the College, which he had entered in 1484 at the age
of sixteen. His intimacy with Bishop Fox had probably
begun while he was still a Demy ; Fox, in 1517, speaks
of it as having extended over more than thirty years.
At the time when he became President he had already
been advanced, probably by Fox's influence, to more
than one preferment, and had recently been made
Master of the Hospital of S. Cross at Winchester.
While resident in Oxford he held several benefices, and

* In the first "scrutiny" all the Fellows present (twenty-two in
number) named Claymond as one of their two candidates ; twenty
named as their second candidate John Veysey, the other two voted
for Claymond and Richard Gosmore. Claymond was then chosen
by the thirteen seniors. It may be remarked that in the documents
relating to his election Claymond is described as " John Claymond
alias Coward." His use of the second surname seems to be otherwise
unknown.

62 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

was no doubt one of the wealthiest persons in the
University. His wealth was employed for the benefit
of the Colleges with which he was connected, of the
parishes from which it was in part derived, and of the
city of Oxford and its inhabitants. Most of his
benefactions, however, belong to the later period of his
life, after he had ceased to be President of Magdalen,
and those which are directly connected with the College
may be more conveniently mentioned elsewhere. Of
his learning and literary ability his biographer Schepreve
has much to say ; and the language he uses is perhaps
exaggerated. But it is clear that in this respect also
Claymond^s reputation stood high. He was the friend
of Erasmus and of More, and was in correspondence
with other noted scholars of his time, both in England
and abroad.

In the first year of Claymond's Presidentship there
took place one of those temporary migrations of the
College of which we find traces from time to time in the
sixteenth century when plague or other infectious sick-
ness made Oxford unsafe. The early years of the
century seem to have been very unhealthy, and there
are frequent indications of partial removal of the
members of the College between 1500 and 1505. But
in 1507-8 we can, from the nature of the records,
estimate the extent of the migration more clearly.
During six weeks in the summer and six weeks of the
term beginning in November the residents in College
seem to have consisted only of about a dozen Fellows,
the four Chaplains, seven Clerks and a few Choristers,
and six servants. The rest of the body were quartered
apparently for the most part at Witney, but in part at
Brackley, Thame, Burford, and elsewhere. The Hospital

JOHN CLAYMOND 63

at Brackley had been marked out by the Founder as a
place to which migration might be made, but Witney
seems to have been on several occasions the main place
of settlement.

Within the College the growth of the buildings was
continued. It has been supposed that the Tower was
originally intended to stand alone, and the existence of
window-spaces in its lower storey, blocked up and hidden
by the buildings which adjoin it, would certainly seem
to suggest this. But these buildings were begun almost
immediately after the completion of the Tower. The
building " between the Hall and the new tower " was
begun in 1507-8, and finished in 1508-9. The block
between the Tower and the ancient Chapel of the
Hospital belongs, in all probability, to the same time
and may be covered by the phrase "juxta novam
turrim." The idea of leaving the Tower standing by
itself, if it was entertained, must have been abandoned
almost at once after its erection, if not while that work
was still in progress.

One of the most curious features of the College
buildings, the series of figures which adorn the buttresses
of three sides of the cloister, belongs to this period.
These figures, the significance of which has been the
subject of many conjectures, were set up in 1508—9.* In
the following year there are again considerable charges

* A detailed explanation of the figures, treated as a connected
allegorical series, was written by William Reeks, who became Fellow
in 1671 and died in 1675. His MS. treatise is in the College
Library. The figures are no doubt in some cases symbolical : those
under the windows of the Library, for instance, seem to typify the
various branches of study — Arts, Divinity, Law, and Medicine.
Others represent persons mentioned in Scripture : others, again, are
heraldic emblems.

64 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

for carriage of materials and labour, but the nature of
the work is not clearly specified : part of it was on the
" clerks1 chambers," perhaps forming part of the
"Chaplains' quadrangle." In 1512-13 certain build-
ings near the Cher well seem to have been repaired, and
mention is made of a wall " between the kitchen and
the music-school." This has been supposed to refer to
a wall separating the two buildings. But they were
actually divided, not only by a considerable space, but
by a block of buildings ; the old stable shown in Loggan's
print stood midway between them. Perhaps the wall
thus described was really the wall along the banks of
the Cherwell, connecting the " song-school " with the
kitchen and neighbouring buildings. But it does not
seem possible to say decidedly what buildings were in
progress at this time, or what their exact situation was.
The accounts of 1510-11 and 1511-12 are rather in-
complete.

Perhaps the best testimony that can be given to the
prosperity of the College under Claymond's rule is to
be found in the facts relating to his departure from it.
He left it in 1516, to become the first President of
Corpus Christi College, founded by his friend Bishop
Fox. Among the other members of the new foundation
several were or had been on the foundation of
Magdalen, or otherwise connected with the College.
The most notable of these were Robert Morwent,
Fellow and Lecturer in Logic, who was appointed by
Fox to be sociis compar at Corpus, and permanent Vice-
President of that society; Edward Wotton, also Fellow,
who became sociis compar and Greek Lecturer of Corpus;
and Reginald Pole, afterwards Cardinal and Archbishop
of Canterbury, who was made Fellow of Corpus a few

JOHN HIGDON 65

years later. Pole, who had apparently been a Commoner
of Magdalen, having " exhibition " from the Priory of
St. Frideswide, was not, like Morwent and Wotton,
bound by an oath which hindered him from becoming
Fellow in another College. Both Morwent and Wotton
seem to have retained their connection with Magdalen
after they were transferred to Corpus : Wotton, who
had leave of absence in order to study abroad before
undertaking his new duties, apparently continued to
hold his room at Magdalen while residing in Italy.

Fox, as we have seen, had good reason to know what
the condition of the College had been at the time of
Mayew's retirement : he had no doubt watched the
course of events since that time ; and it is significant
that he should have chosen from its members those to
whom he committed the charge of his own foundation.
He seems, indeed, to have aimed at a close connection
between the two Colleges. His Statutes bear somewhat
the same relation to Waynflete's which Waynflete's bear
to those of Wykeham. The members of Fox's founda-
tion, moreover, were bidden to avail themselves of the
free teaching given by Waynflete's foundation. The
choristers were to be instructed in grammar at
Magdalen School : the students in Arts and in Theology
were to attend the lectures of Waynflete^s Readers ; *
and to this end the members of Corpus were directed,
in any migration in time of plague, to take up their
abode, if possible, near to that occupied for the time by
the members of Magdalen.

Claymond was succeeded in the Presidentship by his
intimate friend John Higdon, who had been chosen

* This rule seems to have been kept till the early years of the
seventeenth century.

66 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

Fellow about 1495, and had, after holding various
College offices, been presented to the Rectory of East
Bridgeford in 1504. He would therefore have ceased
to hold his Fellowship in 1505. His election as
President seems to have taken place in December
1516.* The first years of his term of office were
uneventful, but some discontent seems to have been
growing up in the College at the strictness of his rule,
which led in 1520 to a second Visitation by Bishop Fox.
This was also held by Dr. John Dowman as Com-
missary, having on this occasion, it would seem, the
assistance of Claymond as an assessor. The process
began in September and lasted, with adjournments, till
December. The record is less voluminous than that of
1506, and the matters revealed by the answers to the
visitation-questions are for the most part less serious.
There were, however, a certain number of charges made
against the President, to which he gave answers. It
was alleged that he was negligent in requiring the
Bursars to settle their accounts, and in some other
matters of superintendence ; that he had made excessive
demands upon the College funds for outlays upon the
Lodgings,! and for allowances for himself and his

* Mr. Macray (Register, N,S. vol. i. p. 70) gives December 1517
as the date. But Higdon appears on March 5, 15 if, as President of
Magdalen, acting for Bishop Fox in giving seisin of the buildings of
Corpus to the first President and Fellows, and is also mentioned as
President in documents dated in August of the ninth year of
Henry VIII. The date of the proceedings at C.C.C. is given
" secundum computationem Anglicanam," and seems to show that
Higdon was elected before March 1517. There is no doubt some
confusion in the dating of the accounts by the regnal years : but the
error seems to be in the dates of those preceding that from which
Mr. Macray has extracted the entries on p. 70 of his Register.

f The exact nature of the additions or alterations in question
cannot be clearly made out.

JOHN HIGDON 67

guests. He was also said to be too ready to listen to
complaints, too hasty in dealing with them, and too
severe in his punishments, especially in the case of
Demies.* One of the junior Fellows, who admitted
that he had fixed a threatening and insulting letter
upon a door belonging to the Lodgings, alleged by way
of excuse that the President had been too hard upon
him. | The complaints, for the most part, are rather
vague, while Higdon's answers are clear and precise.
The Commissary seems to have upheld the President
throughout, and to have left things much as he found
them, after admonishing some offenders and inflicting
minor penalties on a few others.

The remainder of Higdon's tenure of office was
marked by no event of special importance in the history
of the College. But these years, and indeed the whole
time of his Presidentship, formed a notable epoch in
the history of the University ; and in the transactions
of this period some members of the College had no
small share.

As in the wider field of English statesmanship and
diplomacy, so also in the smaller field of University
politics, the principal figure of the time is that of
Thomas Wolsey. His rapid rise to power had begun
almost at once upon his leaving Oxford, and he now
enjoyed almost unbounded authority, uniting in his

* This refers to cases where, no penalty being appointed by the
Statutes, the choice of punishments was left to the discretion of the
President, either singly or conjointly with some other officer. Higdon
seems to have adopted the method of corporal punishment, and it is
suggested that he had some satisfaction in applying it.

t The excuse was not admitted, and the Commissary set the
offender an "imposition." He was to be confined to the Library
for a certain time every day and to write comments on two books of
Aristotle.

68 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

own person the secular power of the Chancellor of the
realm, and the ecclesiastical power which he exercised
in virtue of his commission from the Pope as legatus a
latere. His influence on the affairs of Oxford at this
time was twofold. On the one hand he was actively
supporting the University in its long-standing contest
with the burgesses of the town ; on the other, receiving
from the University the surrender of its privileges, and
superseding the authority of its Chancellor, he . had
undertaken the tasks of revising its Statutes, and of
promoting the cause of the New Learning by the
endowment of special teaching within its bounds.

During the years which had passed since he had
departed from Oxford he had maintained friendly
relations with the members of his College. He had
been entertained within its walls, had from time to time
received gifts from the society, and sent gifts in return,
and several of his principal agents in his dealings with
the University were, or had been, members of the
foundation. Thus John Longland, formerly Fellow,
was employed, both before and after his election to the
see of Lincoln, as Wolsey's representative to the
University. Among the CardinaFs chaplains, who
were employed in different ways in University affairs,
Laurence Stubbs, Robert Cartar, and Richard Stokys
were all Magdalen men. Of these Stubbs acted for a
time as Commissary of the University, and was appointed,
together with Claymond, Higdon, and others, to attend
on Wolsey^s behalf to certain matters connected with
his great scheme for the founding of Cardinal College.
Cartar, who had been one of Stokesley^s chief supporters
in the latter days of Mayew"*s Presidency, had a large
share in the work of framing new Statutes for the Uni-

LAURENCE STUBBS 69

versity, and was aided in his work by William Gryce,
one of the Fellows of Magdalen.

On the establishment of Cardinal College Higdon
was chosen by Wolsey to be the first Dean : while four
at least of the original Canons were taken from among
the members of Magdalen. Thus the College for a
second time within ten years sent out a colony to aid
in forming a new foundation. The Canonries of
Cardinal College, perhaps, were not regarded as falling
within the terms of the oath which had prevented
Morwent and Wotton from being named as Fellows of
Corpus : and the Fellows who were appointed Canons
f seem for a time to have retained their places at
Magdalen.

Higdon resigned his office as President in November
1525, and Wolsey appears to have interested himself in
the election of his successor. A letter from the College
to the Cardinal thanks him for his recommendation of
a President, but declines to make any promise before-
hand. On November 22 Laurence Stubbs was elected :
and a second letter to Wolsey shows that he had been
the person recommended to the choice of the Fellows.
His period of office, however, was very short. In June
1527 he appears to have resigned: and the Fellows,
acting upon his resignation, proceeded to elect his
successor on July 4. The record of the election con-
tained in the College " Ledger " has been partly erased
and altered by the substitution, in one or two places, of
the dates belonging to another election ; * but it is
clear that the two persons named at the first " scrutiny "

* This was apparently done in order that the document might
serve as a rough copy for the similar form drawn up at the next
Presidential election.

70 . MAGDALEN COLLEGE

by a majority of the whole College were Richard
Stokys and John Burgess. Between these two, accord-
ing to the Statute, the thirteen senior Fellows had to
choose. They chose Burgess, who was declared elected.
The election was set aside, on some ground which does
not appear, by Wolsey's intervention. On August 6,
Stubbs writes to the Cardinal :

" And in the most humble wise I do thank your Grace
for my restitucion of the possession of my Presedentship of
Magdalen College at Oxford which I am and ever shalbe
redy to leve at your gracioux commandment by caus I
shall may the better apply your besenesses. My lord of
Wynchester myndid to have preventid your Visitacion ther,
which Doctor Claybrok hath substancially begon and
contynued I trust to yor pleasor, and Mr Burges the latly
pretendid to be elect, and his electors, be fain in such
contempts towards your Grace and brech of the statuts
ther, as without your mercy be to theym shewid many of
theym shall not only be expelled but abide further cor-
rexion. The said M1 Burges yet detenyth Ixxv11 of the
College money to defend hym self with which he toke
out of the seid College chest called cista pro placitis

* Mr. Macray is less exact than usual when he says (Register, N. S.
vol. i. p. 141) that Burgess " was elected . . . over Richard Stokes,
although the votes were equal, being seven for each." The record
of many of the votes given in the first " scrutiny " has been erased.
But of thirty-three Fellows present it is clear that (each naming at
this stage two persons), ten at least voted for Stokys and Burgess,
and eight at least for Robert Cartar and Antony Molyneux. The
latter part of the record shows that Stokys and Burgess had a
majority at the first " scrutiny," and that the thirteen seniors (of
whom seven had originally voted for Stokys and Burgess, and six for
Cartar and Molyneux) then chose Burgess as against Stokys. An
equality of votes in the final " scrutiny " was impossible, as each of
the thirteen had to give his vote for one of two candidates.

LAURENCE STUBBS 71

defendendis ; and I do think is not able to make recom-
pence and restitucion thereof."*

From this we may infer that Wolsey made a Visitation
of the College by his Legatine authority, superseding
the authority of the Bishop of Winchester, and that
Laurence Stubbs was replaced as President. He did
not long retain the office, but resigned in January
152|, when Thomas Knollys was chosen in his room.f
Disputes between Stubbs and the College continued,
and were still pending in 1530, when they were referred
first to two arbitrators and then to Wolsey himself, t
One of the documents excepts from the arbitration a
sum said to have been paid by Burgess to Stubbs. It
is not clear how the matter ended.

* Ellis, Original Letters (3rd Series), vol. ii. p. 66.

t He was apparently named by all the electors at the first vote,
most of them naming with him John Higdon. Cartar was named
by a few, Stubbs and Claymond by one or two voters. The thirteen
Seniors chose Knollys as against Higdon, whose nomination was
probably a mere compliment.

^ Mr. Macray says (Register, N.S. vol. i. p. 129) that this reference
was to Wolsey and the Bishop of Winchester; but in 1530 Wolsey
was administering the diocese of Winchester, and the documents
in the Ledger describe him as Bishop of Winchester as well as
Archbishop of York.

CHAPTER VI

THOMAS KNOLLYS, 1528-1536

As early as 1521 the University had sent four divines
to London at Wolsey's desire, to take part in a con-
sultation as to the best means of checking the Lutheran
doctrines, which were beginning to make their influence
felt in England. Three out of the four were, or had
been, members of Magdalen College. Thomas Brinknell
of Lincoln had been Grammar Master; John Kynton, a
Franciscan, had shortly before held the office of Reader
in Theology ; and John Roper was holding the same
office at the time. They not only took part in the
discussion in London, but also shared in a later con-
ference on the same matter in Oxford, and in the
preparation of books and tractates against the new
opinions. A few years later the University itself was
agitated by the spread of Lutheranism and by the
means taken for its suppression.

The principal centre of the new doctrines in Oxford
was Wolsey's new foundation of Cardinal College. To
this Society he had brought a number of scholars from
Cambridge, who, as Wood tells us, " had been trained
up in that poor and low kind of learning there used,"
and whom "the Cardinal, out of pity, encouraged. "
It was among these Cambridge men that Luther^s
doctrines found their first adherents in Oxford. With

THOMAS KNOLLYS 73

them were associated several members of other colleges,
and among the " brethren " were some from Magdalen.
That this should be so was perhaps the result of the
intercourse which went on between the members of
Magdalen and those of Cardinal College : but it may
also have been due in part to the influence of Tyndale,
who, while dwelling in Magdalen Hall, had attracted
to his Bible-readings some of the younger Fellows of
the College.

In the work of distributing Lutheran tracts and
copies of Tyndale^s version of the New Testament, one
Thomas Garret or Garrard, who had been Fellow of
Magdalen, was very active. He had left Oxford, and
become curate in the London parish of All Hallows*,
Honey Lane, where he and his rector were both engaged
in this sort of traffic. In 1527 he returned to Oxford,
with a large stock of books which he sold in the
University, especially to students of Hebrew and Greek,
and also in other places. Early in 1528, Wolsey sent
orders for his arrest, and he was taken in charge by
Cotysford, the Rector of Lincoln, who happened at the
time to be "Commissary,'" or Vice-Chancellor. One
Anthony Dalaber, of S. Alban Hall, who was also an
active member of the " brotherhood," has left an account,
preserved by Foxe, of the events which followed.
Garret, who had been locked up in Cotysford's rooms at
Lincoln, made his escape, and went to Gloucester
College, to a Benedictine monk who had been one of his
customers. Failing to find him, he came to Dalaber,
who was at the time lodging in Gloucester College, and
borrowed a coat from him to replace his own gown and
hood. So disguised he set off for Wales. Dalaber at
once went to Cardinal College, to give Clarke, a leading

74 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

"brother," notice of what had happened, and on his
way met William Edon, a Fellow of Magdalen, and a
" brother," who had come to give warning of Garret's
arrest and of the fact that they were all " undone."
While Dalaber was waiting in S. Frideswide's Church,
where the Dean and Canons were at evensong, Cotysford
arrived, in great dismay, to announce to Higdon that
his prisoner had vanished, and Dalaber witnessed the
interview which followed, during the service, outside the
choir, between the Dean, the Commissary, and
Dr. London, the Warden of New College, who came
"puffing, blustering, and blowing, like a hungry and
greedy lion seeking his prey." Higdon and London
blamed Cotysford for his negligence, so that he " wept
for sorrow"; and the three separated, to send out
" servants and spies " and take such means as they could
for Garret's recapture. Later on, the Lutherans met
together, and discussed the state of their affairs.
Dalaber supped with some "brethren" at Corpus,
spent the night at S. Alban Hall, and the next
day found that his rooms at Gloucester College
had been effectively searched. To the Prior of the
College, who sent for him on his return, he told a tale,
circumstantial but wholly untrue, as to Garret's move-
ments : * and he repeated this fiction on oath when
examined at Lincoln by Cotysford, Higdon, and London.
His narrative omits the fact that, while he stuck to his
story about Garret, he gave other information which
led to the arrest of many members of the " brotherhood "
and to the seizure of a large quantity of Garret's books.
Of Garret himself, no trace was to be found; and

* " This tale," he remarks, " I thought meetest, though it were
nothing so."

THOMAS KNOLLYS 75

Cotysford, being " in extreme pensyfhess," had recourse
to an astrologer, who told another story, more likely
than Dalaber's, but equally untrue. The more prac-
tical method of watching the sea-port towns resulted a
few days later in Garrets recapture near Bristol. He
was sent to London, to the custody of Wolsey.

Of the Oxford " brotherhood " many members, in-
cluding four of the Canons of Cardinal College, were
arrested and suffered a severe imprisonment. Most of
them recanted. Longland, the Bishop of Lincoln, seems
to have desired the punishment of three of the whole
number, and of these Garret, whom he describes as " a
very subtyll, crafty, soleyne, and an untrewe man " was
one. Garret, however, who had written to Wolsey
praying for release from excommunication, and also
made a formal recantation of all his heresies, was allowed
to escape, with another of the three, after having taken
part in a procession, in which most of the other
prisoners also appeared, carrying faggots from S. Mary's
Church to S. Frides widens, and on the way casting into
a bonfire made at Carfax for the purpose certain books,
which had most likely formed part of Garret's stock.*

William Edon, the other Magdalen " brother "
mentioned by Dalaber, is not heard of in the proceedings,
but his name does not appear as Fellow after Knollys'
election. He may have absconded when the rest
of the " brotherhood "" were captured. Garret, after his
public penance, seems to have been for a time confined
at Oseney. He afterwards became one of Latimer's

* Three of the prisoners (including one of those marked out by
Longland) died in prison, either (as Foxe says) from the hardships
they endured, or (as a contemporary letter says) from the "sweating
sickness" then prevalent in Oxford. They had not been formally
reconciled, but by Higdon's direction they had Christian burial.

76 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

chaplains, and enjoyed the patronage of Thomas
Cromwell. He was ultimately burnt at Smithfield in
1540, under an act of attainder, on the ground of heresy.

With these proceedings against the "brotherhood,"
which coincided with the first months of Knollys' Presi-
dentship, Lutheranism ceased for a time to be a cause of
disquiet in Oxford. Another question, however, began to
occupy men's minds, and in the controversy concerning it
some Magdalen men had a considerable share. John Long-
land was the chief agent employed in Oxford to secure
the judgment of the University in favour of the King's
divorce ; with him was associated Nicholas de Burgo, a
Dominican from Italy, who held the office of Reader in
Theology from 1526 to 1535. Knollys himself was one
of the divines consulted on the subject ; and no doubt
other members of the College had a share in the pro-
longed discussions which took place concerning it within
the University. But so far as internal affairs were
concerned, the time of Knollys' rule seems to have been
tranquil. By the fall of Wolsey the College lost a
powerful friend and patron,* but its fortunes were not,
like those of Cardinal College, bound up with Wolsey 's ;
and the loss was to some extent balanced by the rise of
Edward Lee, Wolsey's successor in the See of York, who
was also a former Fellow and a constant friend to his
old College, while he never reached a position which
enabled him to interfere, as Wolsey had done, with its
management of its affairs.

The events which followed upon Wolsey 's fall, im-
portant as they were, have left but few traces in the

* On Wolsey's death, his "exequies" were apparently observed
in the College. A charge of 6s. 8d. on this score appears in the
accounts ; but the sum has been crossed out.

THOMAS KNOLLYS 77

College records. But some traces there are. The
legislation of 1534 was followed, early in the next year,
by a Visitation held by Cranmer as Metropolitan. The
return made in reply to the citation is followed in the
College " Ledger " by a document which, at the Visita-
tion, was sealed by the College and signed by its
members. In this they declare and promise for them-
selves and their successors their fidelity and allegiance
to the King, his wife Anne, and the issue of the
marriage : they accept the statement that the King is
" caput ecclesie anglicane " ; they deny the jurisdiction
of the Bishop of Rome in the same terms which had
been adopted by the University in the previous year ;
and they pledge themselves not to name him in their
sermons or prayers as Pope or " summus pontifex," but
only as Bishop of Rome or of the Roman Church.
This document, which is said to be the unanimous act
of the whole body, is dated March 13, 1534.

Some months later, in September, the University and
its Colleges were " visited " by Commissioners on behalf
of the King, who seem to have begun their operations
with Magdalen. One result appears in a letter ad-
dressed to the King by the whole of the members of the
College, similar in purport to the declaration of
March 13, but rather more minute and precise in its
terms, and without mention of the matter of succession.
This was sealed, in presence of some of the Commis-
sioners, on September 7. The Commissioners, in their
well-known report of September 12, say that at Magdalen
they had found the lectures in Theology, Moral and
Natural Philosophy, and "the Latin tongue'1* well
kept. To these they had added a lecture in Greek.

* The Latin lecture is no doubt that of the Grammar Master.

78 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

They seem to have been met by some objection to this
addition, for a letter of twenty of the Fellows to
Cromwell, on September 9, petitions in its favour, as
not being (as some alleged) contrary to the Statutes,
and as likely to be of great benefit to learning, tending
to " the abolishment of their sophistry, Duns, and such
like stuff." * It was, perhaps, to support the views of
the upholders of " Duns " that one of the Fellows was
sent "ad curiam regiam pro reformatione articulorum
in visitatione d. regis." But the Commissioners had ap-
parently overruled the objections before September 12. f
Perhaps another trace of this Visitation may be found
in a charge for new painted glass in the Chapel, pro-
bably to replace some which appeared unduly com-
plimentary to the Bishop of Rome.

The dissolution of the monasteries had a curious
effect on one piece of College property. After the
annexation of Sele Priory to the College, a lease of the
buildings had been granted, in accordance with
Waynflete^s desire, to the Carmelite Friars of Shoreham,
whose own house was falling into decay, and was in
danger from the inroads of the sea. The Friars had
already deserted the Priory buildings when they were
taken over as monastic property by the Royal Com-
missioners. They were granted by Henry to Richard
Andrewes and Nicholas Temple, from whom they were

* Calendar of Letters, etc., Henry VIII. vol. ix. No. 312.

t There seems to be no record of any payment for a Greek lecture
in the accounts before that of the year 1540 : after that date such a
payment occurs regularly, while the old payments to the Readers of
Philosophy and occasional payments to Lecturers in Logic, etc. are
continued as before. In the accounts of 1541 and 1542 there is a
charge for a lecturer in Geography ; this was probably an experiment
made by the College itself, and not a result of the Visitation.

THOMAS KNOLLYS 79

bought back, on behalf of the College, some years after-
wards.

In this case the College was a loser by the suppres-
sion : whether it gained by the purchase, made in 1539,
of the building-materials of the dormitory of the
Dominican house in Oxford is less certain : it does not
appear how the materials were employed.* Another
purchase, which may perhaps have been also one of
monastic property, will be mentioned later, f

During Knollys"* Presidentship a good deal of work
was done in repairs and additions to the fabric of the
College. The most important addition was one made
to the Presidents Lodgings, which must have been of
considerable extent.:} As to the exact position or
purpose of the building nothing is certainly known;
but it seems most likely that it, taken together with
the additions made under Higdon, included most of the
buildings which appear in Loggan's print forming the
north and south sides of a small Quadrangle to the
west of the buildings of the cloister.

In 1533-4 a large sum was spent upon the repairs
and gilding of the high altar in the Chapel, and upon
new copes and other " ornaments " made by " broderars,"
several of whom were for some time quartered in the
College. The whole amount thus expended was nearly
<£J130. In the same year there was an unusual expendi-

* The fabric and the work of demolition cost £g 6s. id.

t See p. 83, infra.

% It cost something over ^55. Mr. Macray (Register, N.S. vol. ii.
p. 6) dates the work in 1531 : but a reference to Wolsey contained
in the same account suggests that the year is probably that ending
at Martinmas or Michaelmas 1530. This view is supported by the
fact that the charge for the Cardinal's "exequies" already men-
tioned appears in the next year's accounts, which therefore probably
include the time of Wolsey's decease, November 1530.

80 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

ture for firewood and " coal," occasioned by the keeping
up of large fires in the College as a safeguard against
infection in time of plague : as usual in such unhealthy
seasons there was a partial migration of the College to
Brackley. Among those who remained in Oxford there
seems to have been a good deal of sickness.

Some months before the visit of the King's Commis-
sioners, Cromwell had been negotiating for the resigna-
tion of Knollys and the election in his place of Thomas
Marshall, a former Fellow. Knollys was apparently
willing to retire, but reported that the Fellows were not
favourable to Marshall ; and Cromwell, after some
further inquiry through Claymond and Dr. London,
seems to have let the matter drop. In the beginning of
1536 he attempted a similar arrangement, in favour of
another candidate, with better success. Twenty-seven
of the Fellows assured him of their willingness, in the
event of Knollys1 death, to elect, on the King's recom-
mendation, the person whom he now suggested ; and
having given this pledge, subject to a contingency which
they perhaps regarded as remote, they found that
Knollys' resignation, within a fortnight from the date
of their letter, left the Presidentship open for Crom well's
candidate.*

* Calendar of Letters, etc., Henry VIII. vol. viii. No. 790; vol. x.
No. 109. The date of Knollys' resignation appears from the
instrument announcing the election of his successor, in "Ledger" C.

CHAPTER VII

OWEN OGLETHORPE, 1536-1552

THE candidate recommended to the College as Knollys'
successor was Owen Oglethorpe, who had become Fellow
in 1524, and had held the Readership in Moral
Philosophy during the two years preceding Knollys1
resignation. The nomination was apparently most
acceptable to the College. It was perhaps to be ex-
pected that his election would be unanimous,* but the
terms of the letter to the Visitor announcing the result
show something of the esteem in which Oglethorpe was
held. He is described as

" preclarissimis virtutibus ornatum, maxima prudentia,
summa eruditione, inestimabili etiam benignitate celeber-
rimum in sepedicto vestro collegio."

The time was one when the head of a College cer-
tainly stood in need of some of these qualities : and
Oglethorpe seems to have managed both his own affairs
and those of the society with such success as could
hardly have been attained without them. His own
preferments increased rapidly : within the ten years
which followed his election as President he was pre-

* He received the vote of all the electors at the first " scrutiny,"
a majority naming Michael Drumme as the second candidate. The
thirteen Seniors unanimously chose Oglethorpe.

F

82 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

sented to a prebend at Lincoln, to two at Ripon, to
one in " the King's College v in Oxford,* to a canonry at
Windsor, and to five rectories. In 1540 he was selected
as one of the divines appointed to prepare an exposition
of Christian doctrine, whose work had for its result the
"Necessary Doctrine and Erudition" of 1543. From
his replies to certain questions proposed to the members
of this commission, it may be gathered that he was
among the more conservative part of the body.f

During the ten years just mentioned — that is to say,
during a time when most of the Colleges were suffering
from depression — Magdalen, under Oglethorpe's guidance,
was fairly prosperous. According to Wood (writing of
the year 1539) the Colleges in this period "enjoyed no
more than what would fill the endowed places in them."
Magdalen, a society consisting almost entirely of foun-
dation-members, probably suffered less from loss of
numerical strength than many other Colleges. But
funds were not lacking for necessary purposes, or even
for outlays which, if funds were scarce, would probably
have been postponed or avoided. Thus in the years
1537 and 1538 much decorative work was done in the
Lodgings; in 1541 embroiderers were again engaged on
work for the Chapel, for a long time and at large cost ;
and in the same year there was another important
outlay upon the decoration of the College Hall.
Hitherto the walls of this room were probably covered
with hangings : the " linen-fold " panelling which now

* This foundation, which lasted for a few years only, was inter-
mediate between Wolsey's foundation of Cardinal College and the
later foundation of Christ Church.

t The replies appear (with one or two obvious errors in transcrip-
tion or printing) in Burnet's History of the Reformation (Records,
Part I. Book iii. No. 21).

OWEN OGLETHORPE 83

lines three sides of it dates, in part at least, from this
year. The charges for the work are set out pretty
fully in the yearns accounts under the separate head of
" Custus caelaturae in aula.11 They include a payment
"pro ducentis ly waynscotts emptis londini,11 further
payments for bringing the purchase by water from
London to Henley, and thence by road to Oxford, and
also payments to the wood-carvers, painters, and other
workmen.*

The principal carvers were named Bolton and Frost,
the latter being employed partly in touching-up and
improving work which had been rather roughly done
by the former, especially, it would seem, on the frieze
above the " linen-fold " panels at the west end of the
Hall. It seems likely that the work done at this time
was confined to this part of the room, where the date
of 1541 still remains on one of the figured panels in-
serted in the "linen-fold.11 In the centre of these
figured panels, among groups representing the acts of
S. Mary Magdalen, appears the half-length effigy of
Henry VIII., whose rather singular position is probably
due not so much to any sanctity which might be sup-
posed to belong, virtute officii, to the " Supreme Head,11
as to the fact that he was a temporal patron of Ogle-
thorpe, and so indirectly of the College also.

Buckler mentions, but does not accept, a tradition
that the panelling at the west end of the Hall came
from Reading Abbey. As we have seen, it appears to
have been for the most part purchased in London : but
the " waynscotts " may have been part of the spoil of

* The interpretation of the details here given differs from that of
Mr. Macray (Register, N.S. vol. ii. p. 20), who supposes that the
work done was that of re-roofing the Hall.

84 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

the recently dissolved monastery, which had come into
the hands of some one in London, who offered them for
sale. In any case, the groups of figures and the heraldic
carvings, as well as the frieze, were no doubt executed
for the decoration of the College.

Other notable outlays during the first ten years of
Oglethorpe's Presidentship occur in the accounts for
1536, on additional buildings in the School ; for 1537,
on repairs to the walk by the Cherwell ; for 1539, on
large purchases of books for the Library, and on ex-
tensive repairs to the Chapel of S. John;* and for
1543, on some additions "in parte clericorum."

These facts show that at least as regards its finances
the College was flourishing. On the other hand, its
members were not lacking in distinction : among those
whom it retained or acquired as Fellows and Demies
during this period not a few were, or afterwards became,
men of note. But the activity of the time was to a
great extent controversial ; and as parties in the College
became more evenly balanced, by the addition of mem-
bers who attached themselves to the more extreme
school of reformers, it was almost inevitable that the
peace of the society should be disturbed as soon as a
crisis occurred.

The crisis came when the restraining power of Henry
was " taken out of the way/' The first person in
Oxford who took advantage of the new condition of
things was John Harley, formerly Fellow, and now

* This Chapel had ceased, some years before this time, to be used
for service. There is a regular charge in the accounts year by year
for candles burnt in it ; but the form which is sometimes given to
the entry shows that the candles were used at the time when the
philosophy lectures were being delivered, and that the Chapel had
become a lecture-room.

OWEN OGLETHORPE 85

Master of the School, who preached one of the Uni-
versity sermons at S. Peter's in the East in the Lent of
1547, in which, according to one authority,* he set forth
the doctrine of "justification by faith alone " ; according
to another,!

"he spake very boldly against the Pope, his party, and
such" matters that he thought were superstitious, which,
with his new doctrine, troubled some very much ; but
others that were inclined to a Reformation were thereby
comforted."

The Vice-Chancellor was not comforted, and " hurried
him up to London for a Heretick," but, perceiving that
Harley had had a clearer view of the situation than
himself, " let him loose, and hushed up the business.""

In 1530 the College had provided itself with a book
in which to set down " crimina et detectiones sociorum
et scolarium." Of this record, in its earliest stage, no
trace remains, but from 1547 onwards its place is to
some extent taken by the series of volumes known as
" the Vice-President's Register." The character of
these records varies in some degree with the conditions
of the time, and also, no doubt, with the discretion
exercised by each successive keeper of the Register as to
the sort of matter which he should record, and the
exactness of detail which he should observe. Hence,
while at some points the Register supplies a continuous
history of particular matters, and at others preserves
important documents, it is often a merely formal record
of " leaves of absence," admonitions, and penalties.
With regard to the last class of entries, it may be
remarked that they most frequently occur in the earliest

* Humfrey, Vita luelli, pp. 69, 70. f Wood, Annals, 1547.

86 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

portion of the Register, and that they do not ordinarily
refer to offences which would be dealt with by a single
officer of the College, but to those in which, under the
Statutes, other officers acted with the President or Vice-
President. For the first century covered by the
Register its contents are almost entirely of this formal
kind; in the latter part of the seventeenth century
it is to some extent a collection of documents ; in the
eighteenth, and for most years of the nineteenth, it
chiefly consists of records concerning the succession to
Fellowships, Demyships, and offices in the College, with
occasional notices of other events.* In the period
which we have now reached it is chiefly useful for such
information as it supplies as to individual members of
the College ; the general course of events is more
clearly shown by scattered entries in the College
accounts and by documents preserved elsewhere.

Before the end of 1547 but little change seems to
have taken place : the only entry in the accounts which
points in this direction is a charge for a payment to
painters "obliterantibus Imagines tabulatorum ecclesiae."
They received 2s. 8d. for their work, which, whatever
the pictures may have been which were thus defaced,
was probably not very extensive. The next year, how-
ever, brought with it serious troubles. In April 1548
notice was given of a Royal Visitation of the University,
while in the meantime a general suspension of elections
to any places vacant in the Colleges was enjoined, and

* The first volume of the Register was probably removed from the
College in 1648 : after the Restoration, the record was continued in
another volume which had been begun in the meantime. But the
first volume, which perhaps remained in the hands of the President,
continued to be used for certain records, and contains entries made
at various times down to Dr. Routh's day.

OWEN OGLETHORPE 87

the attempting of " any act or acts, thing or things,1'
prejudicial to the Visitation was forbidden.

It was argued, apparently, that this prohibition in
effect suspended all Colleges from any action under
their Statutes, and from any proceedings against
offenders. Some months later, when it appeared that
the Visitation was deferred, the College requested that
they might be allowed to proceed to elect Fellows and
Demies according to the Statutes, and also

"That, untill the King's honourable Counsaill shall
hereafter appoynte other Ordinances for the governance of
the Universitie, we may have our House governed by our
Founder's Statutes, upon consideration that such a number
cannot be ruled without Lawes and Statutes."

In support of this request they set forth

"The enormities which hath chanced sith certaine
young and wilfull persons have bin persuaded that the
execution of our Statutes was restrayned by the said
letters.

" Bickley a young man and a private person * ... on
Whitsonday eavin in the middle of Divine service presumed
to go to the high Aulter in Magdalen College, and then
and there before the face of a great multitude most
unreverently toke away the Sacrament, and broke it in
peeces, to the great offence of a great nomber, whereof
many were strangers coming that high eavin to here
Divine service.

" One Williams,! a Bachelor of Arte, pulled a Priest

* He was about thirty years of age, a Master of Arts, and a Fellow
of about seven years' standing. He had been Greek Reader in the
previous year.

t He had been a Clerk, and had been intruded into a Fellowship
in the last days of Henry VIII., by the authority of Cox, Dean of
Ch. Ch., the King's delegate.

88 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

from the Aulter after he was past the Gospel, and flong
away his book ; whereby that day the Statutes were broken
and he ran into wilfull perjurie.

" And he with other yong men, some bringing hatchets,
came into the church, and marred there such books as
were not bought for xl11."

Besides these proceedings,* they speak in general terms
of

"Much other inconvenience unseemly for students, and
especially young men, as brech of our Statutes, utter
contempt, contumacy, conspiracy, dissolutnes, dissention
and trouble."

Matters were probably not made easier for the authori-
ties of the College by a letter sent to them by Somerset
on June 6 (about three weeks after Bick ley's act), urging
them to "redresse of religion," and suggesting a
model :

" And herein do we not incite you to any undecent innova-
tion, but evin as we here say of Mr Coxe's, the King's
Almoner's, commendable beginning in his house, so wolde
we here of the sequell of yours."

The College, in their application to the Council,
declare that the President and officers " willingly have
studied to the reformacion of things," and that they
had taken the course of regularly using the " Order of

* Bickley's action is mentioned (as a thing praiseworthy) by
Humfrey in his Vita luelli: he does not mention Williams, but does
mention some disorderly proceedings by Henry Bull and Thomas
Bentham, who were at this time junior Fellows. No record of any
of these matters appears in the V. P. 's Register, which contains no
mention of any offence or penalty in the months immediately
following the notice of the Visitation.

OWEN OGLETHORPE 89

Communion"* at the principal mass, following the
model of the King^s Chapel (i.e., probably S. George^s
Chapel at Windsor, of which Oglethorpe was a canon) ;
the other daily masses, "as lady masse and morrow
masse,11 they had " stayed,11 pending further directions
from the Council, or injunctions from the Visitors.
This would naturally seem to mean that these masses
were discontinued ; but it is to be observed that the
report lays stress on the need of some dispensing
authority, and that the accounts for the year show
payments to those who celebrated the masses, with no
suggestion of their discontinuance during any part of
the year. " All manner of ceremonies,11 including that
of the blessing of the font, had been left off; and the
Sacrament

"was never set up again sith that Bickley unreverently
misused hit."

This request was probably transmitted to the Council
in June or July 1548, and the College was authorised,
on July 23, to proceed to hold the usual election in the
accustomed way, " except ye shall thinke the alteration
of some ceremonye therein decent for the tyme.11

On July 15 Queen Katharine, "nuper defuncti Henrici
Octavi optimae memoriae principis uxor postrema,11
visited Oxford, and was entertained at Magdalen,
" convivio longe splendidissimo,11 at a cost of £%1 13«s. 4<d.
Later in the year certain of the Fellows complained to
Somerset that Oglethorpe dissuaded the College from
giving effect to the letters urging " redresse of religion,1"
and had suggested that the intention of these letters was

* This was set forth in March 1548, and was intended to be used
in combination with the Ordinary and Canon of the Mass.

90 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

really to involve the College in a charge of perjury and
violation of its Statutes, in order to obtain a sufficient
pretext for its dissolution. In November, Oglethorpe
and eighteen of the Fellows reply to these accusations :
they assert they are " most ready to furder godly pro-
ceedings," and that Oglethorpe's position had been, that
without dispensation, warrant, or express prohibition,
neither he nor the College could properly set aside or
alter what they had sworn to observe. They ask the
Protector :

" not to tender the wrongful complaynte unjustly supported
against me the President, but rather to take some godly
order eyther by visitation, commission or otherwise, as may
stand with Godd's trew honour and the avoydyng the
danger of perjurie, as well towards them [the Fellows] as
me, with the redresse of charitie and good order, by the
division and lack of right obediens to rewlars decreased
among us ; whereby good lerning may be the better
furthered, and Godde's trew honour the better magnified."

The Visitation, however, did not actually begin till the
end of May 1549. Its early proceedings are succinctly
recorded in a note in one of the " Admission Registers."

"Octavo die Maii a° d1 1549 fatalis commissio dirigitur
sigillata pro Universitate Oxon. Universitas autem citata est
in 24 diem eiusdem."

"Quarto die Junii A° D1 1549 ... regii delegati ubi
consedissent in aede divae mariae sacra pro veteribus
universitatis statutis suffecerunt nova eaque obtulerunt
necnon ab omnibus religiose observari praeceperunt. Quo
etiam die singulis collegiis noviter praescriptas iniunctiones
protulerunt."

Possibly the injunctions thus delivered to the College

OWEN OGLETHORPE 91

may have been those of which a mutilated copy remains
in the muniment-room.* But the influence of the
Visitors may be seen more certainly in the accounts for
the year 1549. The payments for the daily masses are
here described as having been "converted into ex-
hibitions by order of the King's delegates." There is a
charge for destroying images or pictures, and a con-
siderable outlay for joiner's work and painting in the
Chapel, probably incurred in setting up a screen to
replace the work destroyed, or to conceal its ruins. It
is likely that the influence of the Visitors may be
traced also in the fact that in the latter part of the
year Bickley became one of the Deans of Arts, replacing
one who had belonged to the opposite party.

In a letter addressed by the society to Cranmer in
1550, mention is made of a riotous attack on the
College in the summer of 1549, which had been resisted
with closed gates, but in which the lands of the College
had been much damaged and the lives of its members
endangered. It is not known what this tumult was.
It may have occurred during the Visitation, when Peter
Martyr's disputations caused much excitement in the
city ; or it may have been an incident of the riots or
rebellious gatherings which took place in Oxfordshire in
July 1549. The College, lying outside the city walls,
would be specially exposed to attack by a mob attempt-
ing to enter Oxford from the east. It is probably to
this occasion that reference is made in the accounts in a
charge " pro expensis in excubiis tempore commotionis."

* The document has been printed by Mr. Macray (Register, N.S.
vol. ii. p. 23). The character of its missing portion may be gathered
from the almost similar injunctions addressed to All Souls College,
which are printed as an appendix to the Statutes of A II Souls College,
1853. Probably both are of later date. See pp. 92-3.

92 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

The letter to Cranmer was occasioned by certain
ordinances brought by Cox to the College in February
1549-50 from the Council. These forbade the applica-
tion of any College endowments to the teaching of
"Grammar""; they ordered that all endowments in-
tended for Chaplains, Clerks, and Choristers should be
diverted to " the most necessary uses of good letters " ;
that no Fellow should retain his place beyond twenty
years, unless he were also a public Reader; and that
there should always be an Irishman among the Fellows.
These injunctions the College, unanimously, resolved to
oppose as destructive of the foundation. They sent
delegates to the Council to urge their objections. The
Grammar School, they maintained, was an essential
part of Waynflete's design, which had been of the
greatest benefit not only to the College, but to the
University and the City of Oxford. The members of
the choir were not occupied in music alone, but also in
academical study. If they had to dismiss all the
members of the College who were endowed as members
of the choir and all who were studying grammar the
Society would lose about sixty of its number. They
pleaded also for the " perpetuity " of Fellowships, urging
that " continuance alone makith profound lerned men,"
that few Fellows remained long, and that the govern-
ment of the College and the management of its affairs
required the presence of some members of age, authority,
and experience. As to the Irish Fellow, they prayed

" for that by our ordinances we can receive none into our
fellowship,* that we may be thereof disburdened, so that

* The Fellowships were all appropriated to particular counties and
dioceses in England.

OWEN OGLETHORPE 93

we fyiide one Irishman in the stede of one of our other
students."

The delegates were supported in their plea by a
petition from the Mayor and citizens of Oxford, who
represented that the system by which their sons, entering
various Colleges as scholars or " quiristers," obtained
their grammar training at Magdalen School without
charge to their families, had been of great advantage to
the city in the past, and specially pleaded for "the
continuance of this only school of all the shire."

It was to support the appeal to the Council that
Cranmer's influence was invoked : and although some of
the statements made in support of the appeal, as to the
number of scholars who would be removed, were
disputed, the appeal was in the end successful. One
delegate, however, had to spend eight weeks in London
before a favourable answer could be secured.*

Later in the same year ten of the Fellows sent to the
Council a petition against Oglethorpe, together with a
series of twenty -five articles, in which he was charged
with disobedience to the injunctions of the King and
his Visitors, with oppressing those who favoured the
progress of reformation and with unduly promoting
those who opposed it. Oglethorpe replied to the
charges in writing, and was perhaps summoned to
answer in person also. He certainly was cited before
the Council in this year, and was at one time reported
to have been "imprisoned for superstition.1' But his

* The prohibition of Grammar students, the limitation of the
tenure of Fellowships, and the Irish Fellow all appear in the Ordi-
nances for All Souls, and were probably included in the similar code
for Magdalen. If so, it would seem that these documents belong to
February 15!$ , not to June 1549.

94 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

defence seems to have been for the time accepted as
sufficient. One or two of the articles and replies show
what his attitude at this time was, and give some light
on the state of things existing in the College at the
moment.

Thus the first article against -him sets forth that
although

" he had subscribyd unto the King's majestie's boke con-
cerning the servys, he notwythstanding upon Marie
Magdalene day next followyng sayd a superstitius collecte
contrarie to the sayd boke."

To this he answers briefly :

" Ad mendacii scopulum in ipso portu impingunt.
Transtuli collectam quae in regio volumine habetur."

The third article complains that :

" he usithe to minister the communyon as popyshlie as may
be with beckings, dockings, and shewinge hit unto the
people."

And Oglethorpe replies :

" Turpiter calumniantur : minus enim ago quam per
librum licet."

These articles and replies suggest that Oglethorpe, in
using the English book, while not availing himself to
the full of the freedom which its rubrics allowed, acted
on the principle of interpreting its directions by the
light of traditional usage in minor matters of cere-
monial.*

Of the oppression of which the petitioners complain

* The petition, articles, and replies are printed in Bloxam's
Register, vol. ii. pp. 309 sqq.

OWEN OGLETHORPE 95

there is no evidence in the Register. One of the com-
plainants (Laurence Humfrey) was "put out of com-
mons " for one day,* and another Fellow was admonished
for absence from the Chapel services. Two more of the
complainants (Williams and Taynter) were admonished
in June 1550,

"propter leve jurgium cum decano et exclamationes in
claustro et cubiculis " ;

and the only other penalty recorded about this time is
that appointed for Perkins, a B.A. Fellow, who had
spread scandalous reports about another of the reform-
ing party. He was put out of commons for three days,
and ordered to write two speeches, one against slanderers,
and the other in praise of silence and modesty.

In this year the section of the accounts relating to
the Chapel contains few entries, but one of these is
curious. It is a charge for incense to fumigate the
Chapel " post ustionem organorum." W'hether the bum-
ing of the organs was intentional or the result of an
accident it is, of course, impossible to say. In another
part of the year's accounts there is a charge for the
entertainment of the eminent foreign reformers, Bucer
and Peter Martyr ; they were received as the guests of
the President, at the cost of the College. Peter Martyr,
who was established at Christ Church as Regius Pro-
fessor, seems to have delivered lectures at Magdalen
during the time of his residence in Oxford. This, at
least, seems the most natural explanation of payments
made in these years for the ringing of a bell at the time
of his lectures.

* In other words, he was deprived of one day's allowance.

96 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

At the beginning of 1551, probably as a result of the
renewal of the Visitation, the high altar in the Chapel
was destroyed ; the east wall, behind the place where it
had stood, was bricked up and plastered. A table was
substituted, which was made by Henry Bolton at a cost
of 15,?. Psalters, anthems, and music for the Com-
munion service were purchased. Peter Martyr, Cover-
dale, and others were entertained in College.

The complaints against Oglethorpe seem to have been
in some measure renewed, and the Council were pro-
bably aware that he was not likely to lend himself to
further proceedings of the sort which they now had in
view. Negotiations were begun with a view to his re-
tirement and for the appointment of his successor. A
suggestion, indeed, of his removal by preferment had
been made in September 1550, when William Turner, a
Cambridge man, had offered himself to Cecil as a candi-
date for the Presidentship, but afterwards, finding him-
self to be ineligible under the Statutes, withdrew.
Oglethorpe, at the request of a majority of the Fellows,
determined to remain, rather than, by accepting pre-
ferment, to leave the Presidentship vacant for an
intruder. John Harley who, as a former Fellow, was
qualified for election, seems to have been suggested as a
successor, but would not, apparently, have been accept-
able to the extreme reformers. The " papists " would
have been willing to accept him, and he was therefore
unsatisfactory to his own party. Thus in January
155f, Walter Bower (one of those who petitioned
against Oglethorpe) wrote to William Turner, whom he
supposed to be still in the field, urging him to press his
claims and take advantage of the King^s favour to keep
out Harley : —

OWEN OGLETHORPE 97

"To conclude for godd's luve Mr Turner steke to hit
lustely as we do and wyll to yow. We had rather kepe
Mr Presydent than receyue Mr Harley. . . . Yow shall
have our dayly prayers but this know yow that yf hit cum
to eleccyon they will chouse Harleye for the papysts can
awaye wyth hym well yenouthe."

In the meantime, however, no change took place.
But before July 1552 Oglethorpe appears to have made
up his mind to resign at the Michaelmas following, and
letters were sent to the College in the name of the King,
recommending for election Walter Haddon, a Cambridge
man, distinguished both as a scholar and a " civilian,"
who was at the time Master of Trinity Hall. On
July 3 the College addressed a petition to the King,
acknowledging the merits of Haddon and his fitness for
the post, but pointing out that he was not qualified for
election under the Statutes. He had never been of the
foundation of Magdalen, he was also " not a minister,"
and they could not, therefore, elect him, though they
would have most willingly received him had he been
eligible. They pointed out that there were members
of the College who were in every way qualified, and that
the nomination of one who was not even a member of
the University was a slight upon Oxford. They prayed
that the King would not " co-acte " them, but permit
them to make a free election.

It does not appear what reply was given to this
petition, but Haddon^s nomination was not withdrawn.
Oglethorpe and Haddon, in August, made an agree-
ment by which the latter undertook that Oglethorpe
should be restored to the King's favour, should be
cleared from all complaints against him, and be recom-

98 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

mended for preferment.* On September 27 Oglethorpe
actually resigned, and on October 1 Haddon was
"elected/1

The letter presenting Haddon to the Visitor f suffi-
ciently attests the fact that the election was made
under compulsion. It sets forth that Haddon was
chosen in view of two letters from the King in his
favour, and of a special mandate dispensing with the
impediments of statutes and oaths, and forbidding the
Fellows to proceed to the election of any other person.
It implies that the election was not made in the usual
form, but

"omissis quibusdam praescriptiimculis alioqui in hac
electione requisitis sed quae in praesenti observare non
potuimus.''

It is stated that the election was made " unanimiter,"
and the letter describes Haddon as

" non tarn singular! quadam eruditione clarum quam aliis
praeclarissimis virtutibus celeberrimum, virum uti speramus
natum ad conciliandam confirmandamque inter nos con-
cordiam in tuo praefato collegio."

[The extracts from various State Papers in this chapter have been
taken from transcripts made for Dr. Bloxam, now in the College
Library.]

* From this document it is evident that a somewhat similar agree-
ment had been made by Oglethorpe with his own predecessor, to
whom a pension of £40 a year had been promised, with other
advantages, upon his retirement.

f John Ponet was at this time occupying the See of Winchester.

CHAPTER VIII

WALTER HADDON, OWEN OGLETHORPE,
ARTHUR COLE, THOMAS COVENEY

1552-1558

THE election of Walter Haddon was confirmed by the
Visitor, and on October 10, 1552, he took possession of
his place as President. This was no doubt a triumph
for the party which had opposed Oglethorpe, and the
effective power of that party was soon increased by
a redistribution of offices which made Bickley Vice-
President, and established as two of the three Deans
Mullins and Bentham, members of the same faction.
The third Dean, Taynter, had also been among Ogle-
thorpe^s opponents, but was perhaps less zealous.
Under this management it may be supposed that the
reactionary, and even the moderate, members of the
College were ill at ease : and some of them withdrew.
But so far as the Register shows, the difficulties of
preserving order were chiefly due to the zeal of the
extreme reformers : and the most serious penalties
recorded during the brief period of Haddon's rule
(except in the case of a junior Fellow, whose "youthful
levity'" was "chastised,"" pending inquiry into some
charges against him, by a long term of " gating," and
the requirements of weekly summaries of lectures and

100 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

of a declamation " in luxum ") are those inflicted upon
unauthorised preachers who were instant out of season.

Laurence Style, or Steell, and Robert Paley, appear
to have gone on a preaching expedition to Thame. The
Register records that they were " heavily punished,11
the latter for preaching without a licence, the former
for " interpreting Scripture without being called to the
ministry," and that they barely escaped expulsion. A
few weeks later, Paley, instead of the usual Saturday
" exercise in profane history and philosophy," proceeded
to deliver "justam concionem sacram " in the Hall.
He was " put out of commons " for a month and ordered
to make a declamation on the usefulness and necessity
of logic and philosophy.

Julins Palmer, who afterwards became an ardent
Protestant, and suffered death for his religious opinions
during the Marian persecution, is said by Foxe to have
been expelled from his Fellowship by Haddon for
" Popish pranks." But the Register contains no men-
tion of this : all that is here recorded of him in it is
that leave of absence was given to him to act as tutor
in the family " cuiusdam generosi." The admission
register shows that he vacated his Fellowship soon
afterwards; but there is no mention in the College
records of either the " pranks " or the alleged penalty.

The most notable fact of Haddon's Presidentship
was the dispersion of the vestments and other goods of
the Chapel. These, valued at about ^1000, were sold
for about ^50, and the sum thus received, together
with <£J120 taken from the College treasury, was " con-
sumed " in making various alterations, of which a large
part seems to have been in the Lodgings. In the
Chapel there was probably little left to do, and little

WALTER HADDON , : . 101

was done, except the construction of a seat " in parva
capella," which occupied a good deal of time.

The death of Edward VI., the collapse of Northum-
berland's schemes in favour of Lady Jane Grey, and
the accession of Mary were events which caused much
dismay to the dominant party in Magdalen. The
Queen's proclamation as to religion, on August 18,
1553, was followed two days after by letters to the
Chancellors of Oxford and Cambridge, enjoining the full
observance of the ancient Statutes. A special letter
from the Queen was also sent to Magdalen, annulling
all ordinances made contrary to the Statutes since the
death of Henry VIII. The day before this arrived
Haddon had obtained from the thirteen seniors leave
to be absent for a month " in procuratione negotiorum
suipsius " : and his example was followed by several of
the most prominent reformers. Before the end of Sep-
tember Bentham, Mullins, Bower, Humfrey, Sail, and
Kirke, all members of the extreme party, had sought
for and obtained leave of absence for various periods.

Gardiner, who had been restored to the see of
Winchester, issued a citation* to the College to attend
a visitation to be held on October 26. On October 30
Haddon resigned : and the next day the Fellows pro-
ceeded to elect his successor.

According to Laurence Humfrey, the Commissaries
found on their arrival that there was not in the College
any priest to say mass, or any Fellow who would hear
it ; that .there was no boy to respond, no altar and no
vestments. They were therefore obliged to say mass
themselves without the presence of any spectators. The

* The citation was dated October 2, and was received October 18.
Haddon's reply is dated October 23.

102 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

juniors who refused to attend "popish prayers " were
whipped : but Bentham, the Dean of Arts, who himself
refused to say mass, refused also to punish others for
absence from " popish prayers."" About fourteen mem-
bers of the College were ejected, according to Humfrey,
who manages to suggest that he was himself one of the
number.*

Even when Humfrey's statements are extracted from
the florid language in which he conveys them, there is
some reason to doubt their exact agreement with the
facts of the case. There were probably, in spite of the
changes in the personnel of the College during the last
few years, some priests among the Fellows who, like
Bentham, had been ordained before the time of the
Edwardine service-books, and who would have been
both able and willing to say mass " according to the
use of Sarum." The altars had, as we have seen, been
destroyed, and the vestments sold. But the accounts
show payments on October 28 for work done in restoring
the high altar. If the whole body of the Fellows had
refused to hear mass, there would have been an ejection
on a much larger scale than that which Humfrey
records. But from the instrument announcing the
election of Haddon's successor, it appears that at the
meeting for the election a mass de Spiritu sancto was
said at the high altar, and that twenty Fellows, of
whom Humfrey himself was one, were present, and took
part in the election.

The instrument of election states that all the Fellows

* Vita luelli, pp. 70 sqq. Humfrey says of Haddon that he chose
to lose his place and dignity rather than to remain in possession
" cum dedecore et sempiterna Dei offensione. " He himself for some
time retained his Fellowship, though he soon went abroad. He had
already had leave of absence for this purpose.

OWEN OGLETHORPE 103

were present in Oxford at the time when the vacancy
occurred, so that there was no need to wait for the
return of absent electors : and the number actually
taking part in the election seems at first sight to suggest
that the Visitation had reduced the Fellows by expul-
sions to one-half of their full number. But many
vacancies had occurred in the preceding year, and eleven
of the forty Fellowships were, at the time when the
Visitation began, held by probationers, who had no
voice in the election. The remaining nine had probably
been already ejected by the Commissaries, or absented
themselves from the election.

The whole number of Fellows who vacated in the
year ending July 22, 1554, was sixteen, including three
probationers and four of those present at the election.
The remaining nine names may be taken to be those of
the actual Fellows removed at the Visitation ; they
were all of the class whom Wood describes as " zealous,
if not violent, Protestants.1'* Bickley, Mullins, Bower,
Williams, Paley, and Bentham were all among them.
These nine Fellows received a special grant of money
"ex voluntate inquisitor urn""; and there is no record of
a like payment at this time to any other member of
the Society. It is therefore most likely that, though
some others withdrew from the College voluntarily at a
later time, these were the only persons ejected at the
Visitation.

In the election of Haddon's successor on October 31,
Owen Oglethorpe and Thomas Slithurst were chosen at

* Annals, 1553. Wood does not give the details correctly. He
mentions Foxe (the Martyrologist), Humfrey, Bull, and Renniger as
among the expelled. Bull and Renniger had vacated before July 29,
I553- Humfrey remained, and Foxe had resigned in 1545 or 1546.

104 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

the first " scrutiny ," the former receiving twelve and the
latter eleven votes. The other candidates named were
Robert Morwent (the President of Corpus) and John
Somer, of whom Morwent had nine votes and Somer
eight. Most of the Fellows who named Oglethorpe
gave their second vote to Morwent, while most of
Slithurst's supporters voted also for Somer. A few
named Oglethorpe and Slithurst. At the second stage
of the election, ten of the thirteen seniors voted for
Oglethorpe and three for Slithurst; and thus Oglethorpe
was elected President for the second time.*

On December 3 the College sent a letter of thanks to
Gardiner for the restoration by his Visitation of their
ancient Statutes, expressed in terms of much respect
and gratitude ; and before the end of the year much
had been done to restore to some extent the former
aspect of things. The Chapel, in particular, had been
furnished with its former number of altars ; some vest-
ments and books had also been purchased for its service:
but a good deal still remained to be done, and the
accounts for the next two or three years show that the
restoration both of the fabric and the ornaments was a
work of some time.

In February 1553-4 Oglethorpe was appointed Dean
of Windsor ; and in April 1554 he was named as one of
the Oxford doctors chosen to dispute, in combination
with certain Cambridge divines, against Cranmer, Ridley,
and Latimer during their imprisonment in Oxford. On

* All the candidates had been Fellows of the College. Slithurst,
who afterwards became the first President of Trinity College, was
probably a kinsman of Richard Slithurst, who presided at the
election as senior Fellow, the Vice-President's office being vacant
by Bickley's expulsion.

OWEN OGLETHORPE 105

April 7, 1555, he resigned the Presidentship,* and
Arthur Cole, a former Fellow, was chosen in his room
on April 22. The election was practically unanimous,
as all the twenty-three Fellows present voted for Cole
at the first " scrutiny. " As their second candidate,
nineteen named Robert Morwent, while Thomas
Slithurst, John Somer, Thomas Marshall,! and Owen
Oglethorpe had each one vote.

Cole, who was at the time of his election a Canon of
Windsor, had formerly been in the service of Wolsey,
for whom he had acted as cross-bearer. His tenure of
the Presidentship was short : and during the time for
which it lasted he seems to have been frequently absent
from the College, partly on the ground of ill-health.
He died on July 18, 1558, and was buried in the
Chapel.J

The election of his successor took place on August 2,
when thirty-seven Fellows were present. At the first
" scrutiny " the two candidates chosen were Henry
Henshaw, who received twenty votes, and Thomas
Coveney, who received twenty-one. Both were actually
Fellows at the time, and Coveney was holding, not for
the first time, the office of Bursar. The majority of the
thirteen seniors had named Thomas Slithurst and Robert
Morwent in the first "scrutiny"; but in the final

* He was soon afterwards made Registrar of the Order of the
Garter. In 1557 he became Bishop of Carlisle. He was the Bishop
who crowned Queen Elizabeth in 1559, but was deprived in the
same year, refusing the oath of supremacy. He died on December

3i. I559-

t Marshall, a former Fellow, was the same person who had been
suggested in 1535 by Cromwell as a successor to Knollys.

£ A brass to his memory, on which he is represented in the dress
of a Canon of Windsor, is in the Choir, under the steps of the
lectern.

106 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

scrutiny Coveney was elected unanimously in preference
to Henshaw.* He is described as "non solum doctus
sed circumspectus ac providus." He was a Bachelor of
Medicine, and became Doctor in the same faculty in
1560. A decree of Thomas White, Bishop of Win-
chester, dated August 6, 1558, seems to show that he
was not, at the time of his election, in priest's orders.
The Visitor declares that the nomination of one who
was not a priest ought not to have been made, but
that, having been made, it should hold good. Probably
Coveney was ordained priest soon afterwards. He was
instituted to a rectory a few months after his election as
President.!

Thus during the short time covered by Mary's reign
the College had three (or, if Haddon be reckoned, four)
successive Heads. Wood implies that under the rule of
Oglethorpe and those who followed him the Protestant
members of the Society "suffered much by expulsion,
punishments, and I know not what.^f The Register

* Slithurst received sixteen and Morwent fifteen votes. Two
other candidates were named, Henshaw voting for Coveney and
John Pearson, Coveney for Henshaw and Parkhurst (probably
Robert Parkhurst, sometime Fellow). Henshaw was chosen as
Rector of Lincoln College a few months later. This, it may be
noted, was the last of many elections in which votes were given
for Morwent. He died just a fortnight later. The College, in which
he had many friends during his life, still commemorates him as a
benefactor.

t Ten days after the election the Queen sent a letter recommend-
ing three candidates for the Presidentship, Thomas Slithurst,
Thomas Marshall (now Archdeacon of Lincoln), and John Somer.
This letter, which might have turned the scale in Slithurst's favour,
was, of course, too late to have any effect. It may be noted that the
fact that Coveney and Henshaw had a clear majority at the first
"scrutiny" was due to the votes of five Fellows who had been
admitted from their probation only a very few days before the
election took place. J Annals, 1558.

ARTHUR COLE 107

hardly bears out this view. The greater part of the
penalties recorded are for offences of a kind not con-
nected with religious controversy ; they are for negligence
in attendance at lectures and disputations, for definite
breaches of the Statutes in matters of ordinary discipline,
or, in some cases, for immorality. There are, no doubt,
frequent admonitions to attend mass and other services
regularly,* but these injunctions are not often followed
by penalties, and the penalties are, in such matters, of a
slight character. The only instance of an unusual
penalty in this matter is that laid upon Aldworth, a
Probationer, in November 1555. He had previously
been warned and punished on various grounds ; and, on
coming " intempestive " to mass in the exequies of
Henry VI.,f he was severely censured, and ordered to
attend the early mass every day, and to pray on his
knees by the southern pillar of the ante-chapel, so that
" illius prava opinione et malis moribus laesi resipiscentiae
et novae pietatis exemplo sanarentur." A few months
later he was again in trouble, " propter verba quaedam
contumeliosa in sacerdotes," for which he lost a week's
commons. At the end of his year of probation he was
not admitted Fellow, having perhaps withdrawn before
that time arrived.

* These were not given solely in the interests of religious con-
formity. Thus on November 4, 1555, the B.A. Probationers are
ordered to attend early mass regularly, " quia circa studia desides
inventi sunt." On the roth, three B.A.s absent from the early mass
are ordered to work at philosophy for an hour every day for the
next week.

f So in the Register, probably by a clerical error for Henry III.,
who was commemorated in the College (as the principal benefactor
of S. John's Hospital) on November 16. The commemoration has
long been observed, by a confusion between the two S. Edmund's
days, on November 20.

108 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

Of the others who withdrew or were removed from
the College a good many had been repeatedly admonished
for idleness and other misconduct. One or two seem to
have been thoroughly disreputable. One in particular
was " luxui et lusibus inhonestis nimium deditus," and
had sold the books needed for his studies in order to
find funds for these pursuits. Some of the others had
been associated with him in one or more of his delin-
quencies.* Laurence Style, who remained Fellow
throughout this time, had obtained leave to study
medicine, perhaps with the view of avoiding theological
pitfalls. In July 1555, he took to wearing " an
indecorous dress, most unsuitable for a clerk," for which
he was severely censured, and ordered never to wear
such a dress again outside his own room. In July 1557
he made an unsuccessful attempt at medical practice,
and was charged with administering an unwholesome
dose (" cataposia minus salubria ") to a Chaplain of
Queen's. He was warned to make no further ventures
until he had been licensed by the University to practise,
and at the same time received an injunction "to attend
all the divine offices from the beginning to the end."
Whether this was intended for his spiritual benefit, or
to keep him occupied and secure the safety of the
public, does not appear. Some time later, in 1559, his
taste in costume brought him into trouble again. He
was once more censured on account of a cloak which he
had worn (perhaps the same garment as before, which

* Foxe says that Julins Palmer, already mentioned, was restored
to his place under Mary, and left it after his conversion to* Pro-
testantism. There is no record of his re-admission, but he may
have had a special allowance. One of his name lost a week's
commons in 1555 for wrangling with the Vice-President.

ARTHUR COLE 109

he had ventured to wear again when times had changed),
and was bound over to abstain from wearing it under
pain of expulsion.

Another curious case is that of John Sheppard, the
"informator choristarum," who had captured a poor
boy at Malmesbury and brought him in chains to
Oxford, probably with the view of pressing him into
the service of the choir. He was fined a week's com-
mons, on the ground that he had brought a stranger
into College without leave. But about a fortnight
later, some further details became known. His
" immite factum " had brought discredit upon the
College ; and as he . had represented himself, on his
journey to Oxford, as "the principal officer of the
College after the President," the odium of his pro-
ceedings had fallen upon the Vice-President. Sheppard
was again " sharply admonished for his impudence,11 but
apparently escaped any further penalty.

On the whole, the record of the time suggests that
while the College during Mary's reign was probably not
a comfortable residence for members of the Protestant
party, no great severity was used towards them. In
the case of Laurence Humfrey, indeed, the authorities
showed much kindness and consideration, of which
Humfrey himself makes no mention at all. Just before
Gardiner's Visitation, he had been licensed to enter on
the study of law, and had been permitted to go abroad,
retaining his allowance as Fellow, with an extra year's
leave of absence. In December 1554 his leave of
absence was renewed till the following July, and his
allowance continued. In March 1555 another Fellow
was allowed to succeed to the licence to study law, but
it was specially provided that this should not be to

110 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

Humfrey's prejudice.* In June of the same year the
officers, in a resolution which speaks in high terms of
Humfrey^s character, learning, and ability, prolonged
his leave of absence till midsummer 1556, provided that
he kept clear of places frequented by heretics, and
avoided the company of heretical teachers. His allow-
ance, and all emoluments which he would have received
if in residence, were to be paid to him quarterly, on the
receipt of letters showing him to be still alive.
Humfrey was at this time residing at Zurich, and did
not return to College at the end of his leave of absence,
which was not again renewed. The officers probably
thought that they had gone as far as they could in this
direction ; and at the election in July 1556 his Fellow-
ship was treated as vacant, and filled up by an election
of another Fellow in his stead.

Wood, speaking of the state of the various Colleges
at this time, says that Magdalen men shared with those
of Christ Church the reputation of being good rhetori-
cians, but " men of no ground in disputations." f One
reason for this, no doubt, lay in the fact that the time
was not favourable to study ; but it was also certainly
due in part to the numerous changes in the membership
of the body. A large proportion of the Fellows were
young, and had not made much progress in the study of
philosophy or theology : probably the number of those
studying in the higher faculties was small. But care
seems to have been taken to provide as Theology
Headers men regarded as capable teachers. Richard
Smith, who was for some time Regius Professor, and

* It was, no doubt, supposed that his leave of absence might
not be renewed, and that the law place would become vacant,
t Annals, 1557.

THOMAS COVENEY 111

had a high standing among the scholastic theologians,
acted as Theology Reader in 1555, and was succeeded by
the Dominican John de Villa Garcina. It is also worth
notice that, although the changes made in recent years
were annulled by the Queen's letter and by Gardiner's
Visitation, the Greek lecture was maintained.*

During this period no very extensive works were
carried out in the way of alteration or addition to the
fabric of the College. Save for some rather costly
additions to the Lodgings, and repairs effected there in
1557, it may be said that the only important work done
during Mary's reign was the restoring or replacing of
what had been destroyed in the Chapel.

No visitation of the plague occurred during this time
of sufficient gravity to give cause for a migration ; but
in the summer of 1555 an emergency of another kind
interrupted the course of residence; and leave of
absence for a month was given to a large body of the
Fellows (eight, besides the Probationers, being, however,
required to remain in residence) on account of the
extreme scarcity of wheat in Oxford.

Among the persons entertained in Magdalen between
1553 and 1558 were the Commission of Doctors ap-
pointed to dispute with Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer ;
Doctors Martin and Story, the civilians who represented
the Sovereigns in the process of Cranmer's condemna-
tion ; Walter Haddon, the former intruded President,
and the Commissioners sent to the University by
Cardinal Pole. To Pole himself, on his return to
England, the College had sent a congratulatory letter.f

* This lecture was perhaps regarded as outside the scope of the
Queen's injunction ; it had been instituted, though not actually
established, before the death of Henry VIII.

t Printed by Dr. Bloxam, Register, ii. 326.

CHAPTER IX

THOMAS COVENEY, LAURENCE HUMFREY

1558-1589

THE first few months after the death of Mary and the
accession of Elizabeth were a time of suspense and un-
certainty ; and the College records, as we might expect,
show that the prevailing unsettlement had its effect in
various ways upon the society. The provision, on
March 23, 1559, of a preacher for the next S. John
Baptist's day, subject to the condition that the statutes
of the realm should allow him to perform his function,
and the repeated dispensation given to another Fellow,
postponing the date by which his ordination should be
deemed necessary? illustrate some of the difficulties of
the time.* But apart from such matters, the change in
the condition of affairs seems to have given rise to some
disorders within the College. The persons most con-
cerned were some of the junior Fellows, who seem to
have thought the time opportune for showing their
disregard of ordinary rules. The offence of spending
the night outside the College was unusually frequent,

* The doubt as to the lawfulness of a sermon was due to the
fact that, as the Bill for Uniformity had not yet become law,
preaching was at the time suspended by the Queen's proclamation
of December 1558. The dispensation as to the time of ordination
was rendered necessary by the position of affairs in the time imme-
diately preceding the consecration of Archbishop Parker.

THOMAS COVENEY 113

and the quiet of the cloisters was broken by noisy
disputes among the inmates. Some of the junior
Fellows, perhaps by way of deriding those who wore
the tonsure, took to shaving their own heads ; but their
jest was turned against themselves by an order (more
than once enforced by loss of commons) that they
should wear night-caps till their hair had grown again.*
One John Mansell made himself especially trouble-
some, and was frequently " put out of commons." He
not only shaved his head and refused to wear a night-
cap, but stole apples from the garden, interrupted
" public exercises," and used " indecorous words." He
was also one of nine Fellows who refused to take part in
an election in October 1559, and were in consequence
threatened with the penalties of perjury.f They were
saved from the loss of their Fellowships by the inter-
vention of the Queen's Commissioners. After this
crisis the College seems to have been more tranquil.

According to Wood, the Commissioners sent by
Elizabeth restored in the various Colleges those " that
were ejected or left their places in Queen Mary's reign." J
This was not the case at Magdalen. The vacancies
which occurred were filled up in the ordinary way.
Nor does it appear that many vacancies were created by

* Wood (Annals, 1558) supposes that those who shaved their heads
were "Catholicks." But they seem all to have been of the " Pro-
testant " party, to which most of the delinquents at this time
belonged.

f The names of the nine Fellows concerned have been torn out
of the Vice-President's Register, and are known only from a refer-
ence to their case in some later proceedings. It is there alleged
that they were actually expelled, but the record in the Register
rather suggests that the sentence of expulsion (the penalty for " per-
jury ") was not actually put in force.

t Annals, 1559.

H

114 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

expulsion, as Wood seems to suggest.* The influence
of the Commission may perhaps have hastened the
removal of the altars and images from the Chapel,
recorded in the accounts for 1559, and it is not
unlikely that these and other proceedings following on
the Acts of Supremacy arid Uniformity led to the
withdrawal of several members of the College in 1559
and 1560. But the majority seem to have accepted
the changes with less demur than was made by the
members of some other foundations.!

* Annals, 1560. Wood's account of the proceedings of these years
is confused and inexact. In the year ending July 15 60 seven Fellow-
ships became vacant. Three of the outgoing Fellows were appa-
rently "recusants," but one of them (Alan Cope, who afterwards
became a Canon of S. Peter's at Rome) was still Fellow in 1560,
and was, therefore, probably not displaced by the Commissioners.
The three were imprisoned for a time in 1560, when a grant of
money was made to them by the College. A fourth had leave
of absence " promotionis causa," with a condition which suggests
that he was not inclined to accept the Book of Common Prayer. In
the year ending July 1561 the number of outgoing Fellows was
larger, and included several of the probationers admitted in 1559.
But there is nothing to show that any one retired by compulsion in
either year. The case of John Wright, mentioned by Wood in
1560, belongs to 1562, and Wright remained Fellow till 1571.

f The entries as to alterations in the Chapel in the " Liber com-
puti " of 1559 are not dated, and are not in order of time. Thus
the payment for copies of the English service-book precedes a
charge for " oil and chrism." It is worth notice, perhaps, that the
payments for the masses of the Blessed Virgin and the masses " pro
defunctis" are continued under those names in 1559 and 1560,
though the payment for the " missa matutinalis" has become one
" pro stipendio precum matutinarum." In 1561 these payments are
classed as "pensiones eorum qui pro missis precibus inserviunt " ;
that for the requiem mass becoming " pro precibus fundatori de-
cretis," that for the Lady mass "pro precibus divae Mariae conse-
cratis." In 1563 the latter payment becomes a payment for
sermons; the "preces fundatori decretae" remain, being called in
later accounts " preces fundatoris," or " Founder's prayers."

THOMAS COVENEY 115

Thus when Robert Horn, the Bishop of Winchester, '
came in September 1561 to hold a Visitation of his
Colleges in Oxford, he found Magdalen much more
" conformable " than New College, Corpus, or Trinity.
The points which he proposed for acceptance were
three — the Queen's Supremacy, the order of the Book
of Common Prayer, and the Queen's Injunctions —
points which, as he says, were generally accepted
throughout the realm. In the other three Colleges,
after much persuasion, he obtained few subscriptions,
and those not without protests.

"The iiijth colledge of Mawdlens I founde thoroly in
those matters conformable like as I did also many hand-
some and towarde in lerninge and therwith in Religion
forwarde for whose cause and for veray many and notable
enormyties obiected to D. Coveney their President being
also thought an enemy to the syncere Religion of Christ
and therewith an evill husbande for the Colledge wherof
moche matter appeared by his own confession uppon his
examynacion I have with good deliberacion and iust
grounde depryved him of his said office which thing also I
was the moar enforced to do least a great many of the
moost handsome younge men sholde have departed and
left the house as they playnly sayd they wolde in case he
contynued head there so manyfestly both unworthie and
enfringing the Statutes of the Colledge." *

Coveney appealed against his deprivation to the Queen,
and a commission was appointed by the Court of
Chancery to consider his case. It was apparently held

•* Horn's letter to Cecil, September 26, 1561. It is to be observed
that the reason alleged by Wood and others who follow him for
Coveney's deprivation, that he was not in Holy Orders, is not men-
tioned by Horn at all. See p. 106 supra.

116 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

that the appeal could not be entertained, and that
Coveney^s remedy must be sought by some other
process. Coveney seems to have taken no further step
in the matter, and the only effect of his appeal was to
delay the election of his successor.

Even before Coveney's deprivation the name of a
possible successor had been suggested to some of the
Fellows and favourably received by them. The person
proposed was Laurence Humfrey, who, having married
during his exile, had returned to England, and was now
resident in Oxford, where he had become Regius Pro-
fessor of Divinity in 1560. He was apparently anxious
to obtain further preferment, and had been recom-
mended by Parker and Grindal for a headship, without
success.* Whether he had any similar recommendation
or any letters from the Queen to support his candida-
ture at Magdalen does not appear ; but he was elected
President on December 11, 1561. At the first
" scrutiny " he received twenty -five votes, all the Fellows
but one naming him. John Mullins was named as a
second candidate by seventeen, Thomas Bickley by eight ;
Michael Renniger and James Bond each received one
vote. The thirteen seniors unanimously chose Humfrey,
and the result is said to have been received " omnium
et singulorum consensu et applausu."

As we have seen, Humfrey had been regarded, some

* Strype (Life of Parker, p. 102) supposes that this recommenda-
tion was addressed to Magdalen, and that it was the Fellows of
Magdalen whose objections to him he rehearses in a letter criticising
the person whom they preferred. But one of these objections (that
he was not "gremial") would not have been made at Magdalen.
It was "ad socios Coll. V." that he had been recommended, and
this most probably means University College. Dr. Caius, the person
preferred to Humfrey and denounced by him, was elected Master
of University in 1561.

LAURENCE HUMFREY 117

years earlier, as a student of unusual ability and pro-
mise. In exile he had added to his reputation, and he
was now distinguished both as a scholar and as a
divine. He was an able preacher and a ready contro-
versialist. In such matters he had probably no equal
among the members of the College, and few within the
University. Both in his College and in the University
he made his mark, and it remained for many years after
his own time. But with his learning and ability were
united some qualities less desirable in the head of a
College. If his theological reading was wide, it must
be confessed that his theological sympathies were
limited : he was himself a Calvinist, and was little
inclined to tolerate the opinions of any other school of
thought. He lacked, as many on both sides have
lacked, the sense of proportion in matters of ritual
controversy : and his prolonged refusal to conform to
what was enjoined by authority in the matter of eccle-
siastical vestments and academical dress gave rise to
serious difficulties both for himself and for his College.
In temporal matters, while he was ready to give to
others, he was sometimes, perhaps, rather too anxious to
get for himself ; but it would seem only fair to remember
that he was not, as some former Presidents had been,
a wealthy man, and that he was, as no former President
had been, a married man with a large family.

Some of his qualities were soon shown. Four weeks
after his election, finding that his new preferment might
stand in the way of his obtaining a Canonry at Christ
Church, which had been promised to him, he wrote to
Cecil, pleading that the promise might be fulfilled,
citing instances of similar pluralism, and urging that
his Presidentship was " more worshipful than profitable,

118 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

more payneful than gayneful." * A fortnight later he
wrote again to the same purpose, but without effect.

In the Chapel, during 1561, the "tabulae," or
" reredoses," of the altars had been removed, the sedilia
built up, and the " theatrum crucifixi " (probably the
rood-loft) pulled down. In 1562 the work was carried
rather further : the remains of the altars were destroyed
and the pavement levelled ; a pulpit was set up ; and the
small chapel on the north side of the choir was fitted
with benches for the use of the President's wife. In
this year also the cross opposite the entrance to the
Hospital, which had hitherto been suffered to remain,
was destroyed at a cost of 11$. 4<d. In January 1563,
the College granted to Humfrey and others a com-
mission

" to alter, sell, alien, and dispose the copes, vestiments and
hangings of the church of the said college, according to
their discretions, and further to alter, change, or sell the
plate of the said churche to the College's most utilitie and
proffitt." f

There was now little left to be done ; and after the

* He seems, however, soon to have found out its possibilities. In
1564 one of his wife's brothers was appointed to a Clerkship in the
College, and the next year he became Fellow. Another brother
became Fellow in 1567. They held, as Fellows, many College
offices, and in 1580 one of them resigned his Fellowship and became
Steward of the College. Of the President's seven sons one was
elected Fellow in 1579 ; another became Demy in 1585 and Fellow
in 1587 ; a third became Demy in 1586 and Fellow in 1594 ; a fourth
became Demy in 1590 (the year after Humfrey's death), and Fellow
in 1597- The number of leases of College property granted to the
members of Humfrey's family is also notable.

f The details of the transactions carried out by the committee are
not known ; but the stock with which they had to deal was probably
very small compared with that which had been dispersed by
Haddon.

LAURENCE HUMFREY 119

destruction of the " superstitiosas sedes imaginum," and
the plastering of the walls in 1564, the care of the
Chapel occasioned little expense for many years. The
mending of the windows was done by contract at the
rate of 6s. Sd. a year ; but this was sometimes exceeded,
as in 1566, when 3s. 4*7. more was paid for mending
windows broken " pilis et in tempore spectaculorum." *
The other repairs are generally of small cost, and
charges for cleaning are rare.

During Humfrey's Presidentship, indeed, there was no
very great expenditure upon the buildings of the
College. Repairs were carried out from time to time,
though not on a large scale ; but the only additions of any
importance made to the fabric were at the Lodgings ;
and in most years of this period the repairs and furnish-
ing of the President's house account for a considerable
part of the whole outlay on such matters. On the
other hand, the " Lodging of the President in London,*"
which had hitherto formed a regular subject of charge
in the accounts, disappears for several years after 1568,
and for three or four years before that date no expendi-
ture is recorded under the heading. A London
" hospitium Praesidentis " is occasionally mentioned
again in accounts after 1589, but it seems most likely
that the plan of keeping up a London house was dis-
used during most of Humfrey^s time.

Perhaps the last occasion when he occupied the
London " Lodgings " may have been in 1565, when he
spent some time in London rather against his will. He
was cited before Archbishop Parker and other Bishops
at Lambeth, together with Sampson (the Dean of

* The " spectacula " were carried on in the Hall, as appears from
another section of the accounts.

120 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

Christ Church) and four other persons who, like him-
self, refused to wear a surplice. He had to make more
than one appearance before the Commission, and he
was not permitted in the meantime to leave London ;
but, in spite of arguments, persuasions, and warnings,
both he and Sampson refused to conform. Parker,
who seems to have been extremely patient with them,
and to have realised the difficulty of enforcing his own
directions, at last, on April 29, " did peremptorily will
them to agree, or else to depart their places." They
were required

"to wear the cap appointed by injunction,* to wear no hats
in their long gowns, to wear a surplice with a non-regent
hood in their quires at their Colleges according to the
ancient manner there, to communicate kneeling in wafer-
bread."

They refused to agree to these orders, and requested
that they might be allowed some time before they
should be compelled to remove. But Parker seems to
have been rather at a loss how to proceed, especially as
he doubted how far the Queen, at whose instance the
proceedings had been begun, was prepared to go. He
pointed out to Cecil that he did not think they had any
intention of resigning, and that for their deprivation,
his own jurisdiction might suffice for Sampson,f but not
against Humfrey, whose case must be dealt with by the
Bishop of Winchester. Sampson was, in fact, deprived
soon afterwards. Humfrey was allowed to leave
London, and apparently returned to Oxford. J Later

* I.e., the square cap. f The See of Oxford was vacant.

£ Strype says that he was " confined " for a time, and on leaving
London went to reside with " a pious widow " in Oxfordshire. But
he was in College, acting as President, on May 6.

LAURENCE HUMFREY

in the same year he was presented to a living in the
diocese of Salisbury, but found, rather to his sur-
prise, that he could not persuade his friend Bishop
Jewel to institute him, unless he would promise con-
formity.

The Fellows, in a letter addressed to the Archbishop,
who had made some inquiries as to their practice,
admitted that they had ceased to use surplices in the
Chapel. This, they said, was not by the persuasion of
Humfrey, but because some of their number had con-
scientious objections to their use, to which the rest had
yielded. They pointed out at the same time that the
only authority in such matters which their Statutes
would allow them to recognise was that of the Bishop
of Winchester.*

It was probably with a special view of enforcing con-
formity that Robert Horn, the Bishop of Winchester,
gave notice of a Visitation, which was held in September
1566 by his Chancellor and Commissary, Dr. George
Ackworth. Questions were delivered to the members
of the College to be answered ; but before dealing with
the matters contained in their replies, the Commissary
delivered an injunction ordering the use of surplices,
square caps, and " other clerical habit " from All Saints1
day following. The charges made in this Visitation
against individual Fellows are not numerous ; probably
only those appear which seemed of sufficient gravity to
be worth inquiry.f The Commissary made some
further injunctions for the better observance of the
Statutes and management of College affairs ; and these

* The letter is printed by Bloxam (Register, vol. ii. p. 337).
t They are extracted by Mr. Macray, Register, N.S., vol. ii.
pp. 36-8.

MAGDALEN COLLEGE

were reinforced by a letter from Horn himself, who
adds some further instructions.*

Before this Visitation took place, Humfrey's own
scruples had been overcome, so far as academical dress
was concerned. He was one of " four Doctors in their
scarlet habits " who met Queen Elizabeth near Wolver-
cote when she came from Woodstock to Oxford on the
last day of August 1566, and to whom she gave her
hand to kiss :

"but while Humphrey was doing that compliment, the
Queen said, ( Dr. Humphrey methinks this gown and habit
becomes you very well ; and I marvel that you are so
straight laced in this point — but I come not now to
chide." f

The Queen's visit lasted till September 6, and during
her stay several members of the College took part in
disputations and other academic functions provided for
her entertainment. Some of the Queen's council were
feasted in the College.^

Humfrey's conformity advanced somewhat further in
1571, when he was appointed Dean of Gloucester.§ In

* See Register, N.S., vol. ii. pp. 38-40. One of Horn's directions
is of some special interest. He orders that the "divines and
chaplains" are to attend the Hebrew lecture in College; the B.A.
members are to attend both the Hebrew and Greek lectures. The
Hebrew lecture was begun in 1565 by Thomas Kingsmill, who
became Professor of Hebrew in 1569.

f Wood, Annals, 1566.

J Dr. Bloxam, misreading the entry in the accounts, supposed
that the Queen herself was present.

§ In 1574 it was rumoured that Humfrey had been nominated
for a bishopric, and about that time he had a hint from Burghley
that his non-conformity stood in the way. He promised conformity
in a letter which Strype places in 1576. But he did not obtain the
promotion which had been expected, though in 1580 he became
Dean of Winchester.

LAURENCE HUMFREY 123

the same year he became Vice-Chancel lor of the Uni-
versity, and he held that office till 1575. It was his
duty, therefore, to enforce upon others what he had
himself refused ; and it is perhaps not surprising that
he was thought too favourable to those who were still
unwilling to conform. In the College itself, Horn's
injunctions had little or no effect. But questions of
another kind gave rise to more keen disputes, and
brought about a serious crisis in 1575.

In that year certain Fellows refused to take part in
the election of a Dean, on the ground that some of
those summoned for this purpose were " non socii."'
They persisted in this refusal, and Humfrey, holding
this to be a violation of their Fellow's oath, pronounced
sentence of expulsion against three of them. The
expelled Fellows, who alleged that Humfrey's action
was due to their having opposed his " inordinat covet-
ousness " in acquiring leases of College lands, endeavoured
to obtain Walsingham's support in their appeal to the
Visitor,f to whom Walsingham actually wrote on their
behalf. Humfrey himself made some appeal to the
Visitor to relax the penalty ; but Horn, though at first
inclined to leniency, finally decided against them, after-
wards pronouncing that those whose position they had
disputed were " lawful Fellows of the College." Peace,
however, was not restored by their removal; and the

* It was argued that one had forfeited his place by not receiving
Holy Orders at the time required, and another by holding a bene-
fice beyond what the Statutes allowed. One at least of the recusant
Fellows had himself been elected contrary to the Founder's Statute
limiting the number from particular counties.

f Their letters are addressed to two of Walsingham's secretaries,
one of whom, Laurence Tomson, a former Fellow, was active in
their interest.

124 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

contending parties went from words to blows.* Another
serious dispute arose in 1578, when a Probationer named
Ivory, or Everie, who had been elected the previous
year on a recommendation from the Queen, was refused
admission as actual Fellow. The Visitor intervened, on
the ground that

" there appearethe manifestlie in the adversaries a playne
and unseemlie canvasinge practise contrarie to the Founders
mynde and myne Injunctions, with an uncomlie carelesnes
of the Quenes majesties letters."

He directed that Ivory should be admitted as Fellow,
and this was done " quibusdam reclamantibus et disce-
dentibus"; and he also took steps against those who
had been most active in opposing him, of whom five
were expelled.

If those who resisted the Queen's mandates as to
elections were disorderly, those who were recommended
by the Queen were not free from reproach. f It is clear
that in the latter years of Humfrey's rule the general
state of the College was most unsatisfactory. The
penalties recorded in the Vice-President's Register are
indeed a sign that some attempt was made to maintain

* On July 26, 1576, three Fellows were suspended from all emolu-
ment " propter gravissima delicta, viz., atrocem et injuriosam
Mri. Wade percussionem, seditiosas et contumeliosas orationes
contra Dnm. presidentem et magistratus et statum totius collegii."

f Paul Brown, elected Fellow in 1582, after two letters in his
favour from the Queen, appears frequently as a delinquent. In

1584 he was "put out of commons" for a week for stealing the
College keys from the Vice-President. A month later he was fined
again "propter strepitum tempore dormitionis " ; and again, six
months later, for " scandalous words and odious comparisons." In

1585 he again lost a week's commons for putting out the light
during disputations, and using " odious words" about the Dean of
Arts.

LAURENCE HUMFREY 125

discipline ; but their increasing frequency is also a sign
that the attempt was not successful. More distinct
evidence is supplied by statements drawn up by four of
the Fellows in 1585, and by the injunctions delivered in
October of the same year by Thomas Cooper, Bishop of
Winchester, in a formal Visitation.*

The complaints and injunctions show that defects
and abuses of a serious kind were to be found in almost
every part of the administration of the College. In
the election to vacant Fellowships the limitations of
the Founder's Statutes were disregarded ; f and, what
was more serious, there was great and general corrup-
tion in the elections to all sorts of places. The build-
ings on the College estates were being allowed to fall

* Mr. Macray, who prints these statements (Register, N.S., vol. ii.
pp. 101-118), thinks that they are coloured by animosity against
Humfrey on the part of Fellows who were more puritan and less
tolerant than Humfrey himself, and this seems true. But the docu-
ments, though often in agreement, do not seem to have been drawn
up in concert ; one of the writers accuses another, and they all con-
cur in representing certain abuses. Moreover, the principal points
on which the four Fellows complain are among those on which
Cooper's injunctions lay stress ; and Cooper's expressions, though
more conventional than those of the complainants, are quite decided,
both as to the existence and the gravity of the abuses. The state-
ments of the four Fellows were no doubt presented in the course
of the Visitation, or drawn up with a view to it. From internal
evidence they may be dated in June or July 1585.

t The Founder (e.g.) had provided that there should not be more
than one Fellow chosen from Kent, not more than one from Bucks,
not more than four from Oxfordshire. A table of the Fellows in the
Admission Register shows that in 1575 seven of the Fellows had
been born in Kent, four in Bucks, and seven in Oxfordshire. One
of the Ingledew Fellowships, limited to natives of the Dioceses
of York or Durham, was held by a native of Somerset, the other by
one of the superfluous natives of Oxfordshire. During the years
between 1575 and 1585 only about half a dozen Fellows were
"elected for" the county or diocese in which they had been
born.

126 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

into disrepair ; the College woods were being wasted ;
the rents were not regularly collected ; and no proper
account was rendered of the fines received in respect of
copyholds, which were dealt with by the President and
the Steward.* Furniture and plate were provided for
the Lodgings at great cost, but there was no proper
inventory of them.

The educational work of the College was also
neglected. The lectures of the Readers were not
regularly delivered, and were attended only by a few.
The Grammar teaching, on which the Founder had so
much insisted, was inefficient; the Master performed
his work, so far as it was performed, by deputies, being
himself non-resident. The disputations were not
regularly kept, even by the Deans, whose duty it was
to preside at them, and were attended only by three
or four Fellows at a time ; the majority of the members
of the College spent the time which should have been
employed in study or " College exercises " in idleness in
the town. On the general laxity of discipline the com-
plainants speak warmly :

" All things, places, persons ar ful of disorder and con-
fusion, and our colledge like to that commonwealth
wherin it was saied " CIKOU« ovdds ovdev ovfcvos."

" Jam nulla personarum distinctio, nullus ordo : omnis
obedientia et reverentia ita animis excessit ut summa imis
conf undantur .

In particular, they mention, as a cause of this disorder,
the admission of a number of " Commoners " and
" battelars " far in excess of that allowed by the Statutes,
while no regular provision was made either for their
* The Steward at this time was Humfrey's brother-in-law.

LAURENCE HUMFREY 127

teaching or their discipline. The Commoners so ad-
mitted were regarded as the private pupils of Humfrey
himself, or of particular Fellows, and Humfrey would
not allow the Deans to exercise any authority over
them. " Poor scholars " also were admitted in large
numbers,

" living idlie, bound to no exercise, no account taken of
their preceding in learning ; whereby they bothe remaine
here and become after unprofitable burdens to the Colledg,
commonwealth, and church, proving in the end ether
ignorant ministers or roagues."

With regard to the Chapel services, both the com-
plainants and the Visitor lay stress on the scandalous
infrequency of the celebration of the Eucharist, and on
the need for greater regularity in attendance at the
choir services, and greater decency in their perform-
ance.*

These details are in part derived from the statements
of the four Fellows ; but the Visitor's injunctions show
that on all the points mentioned he recognised, after
inquiry, the justice of their complaints. He takes no
notice of such charges against Humfrey as that of
favouring " papists," f or of charges against Fellows
"greevously suspected, some of religion, and some of
other wicked behaviour." But with regard to some of
the matters on which complaints were made, he insists

* One complainant remarks, as to the efficiency of the Choir :
11 Jam presbiterorum nulli, clericorum 4, chorustarum perpauci, cum
cantu et nota celebrare possunt divina."

t The term "papist" was probably used, at least in some cases,
as similar terms have been used since, of all those who differed from
the writers in their conception of what was allowed, or required, by
the Church of England.

128 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

on an exact observance of the Statutes ; with regard to
others, he lays down additional rules to check and
prevent abuses; and his frequent references to the
responsibility of the President for good government
suggest that he held Humfrey to be principally
responsible for the failure to maintain it.

Some of the abuses complained of had probably
existed before Humfrey's time ; but for the growth of
one he seems to have been himself especially responsible.
Before his election as President he had several pupils
under his care in Oxford, and one at least of these had
already entered at Magdalen. The rest probably
followed when Humfrey became President, remaining
still under his special charge. The large influx of
Commoners of the wealthier class was no doubt due
partly to Humfrey^s reputation as a scholar and teacher,
partly to the fact that Magdalen, by its choice of him
as its Head, had shown that it might be regarded as a
" safe " place, at a time when other Colleges were
" leavened with Popery."" Hence it came that many
men in high position were desirous of placing their
sons under Humfrey's care in Magdalen ; and Humfrey
was perhaps not anxious strictly to enforce or to observe
the Statute which limited the number of admissions,
when the admissions brought him reputation and profit.
The u poor scholars " were in some cases the attendants
of the wealthier Commoners ; in other cases, they
attached themselves to members of the College, acting
as their servants, and receiving some instruction in
return ; while the free teaching of the Grammar School,
and the lectures of the Readers, gave them opportunities
of which some at least availed themselves. But their
connection with the College was slight, and the system,

LAURENCE HUMFREY 129

not recognised by the Statutes, was liable to great
abuse. That Humfrey should have allowed it to grow
to such an extent without guarding against its dangers
is a fact which shows him to have been at least remiss.

The system had, no doubt, its good side ; and Cooper
did not aim at abolishing it altogether. As to the
Commoners, he ordered that the limit imposed by the
Statutes should be strictly kept. The " poor scholars "
were for the future not to exceed thirteen, and these
were not to be attached to any one who chose to retain
them, but to the thirteen senior Fellows, who were
enjoined to make a careful choice. These directions
seem to have had an effect for a time ; but the matricu-
lations of non-foundation members, after lessening
suddenly for two or three years, soon began to increase
again ; and the matter, as we shall see, was again dealt
with by another Visitor.*

In addition to some other directions with regard to

* Only a small proportion of the Commoners of this time were
in any way distinguished. One name stands pre-eminent. Sir
Thomas Bodley was one of Humfrey's first pupils, and took his
degree from Magdalen in 1563 before he became Fellow of Merton.
Of other Commoners " superioris ordinis " some, like the sons of the
Earl of Bedford and of Sir Francis Knollis, though not without
distinction, owed perhaps more to family connections than to their
own merits ; some, like Sir John Norris and his brother, did good
service to the State and were themselves men of mark in later life.
Non-foundationers whose exact status is uncertain were John Lyly,
the author of Euphues, and Richard Field, afterwards Dean of
Gloucester, who, if he was a " poor scholar," was certainly not an
"ignorant minister." Florio, the translator of Montaigne, entered
as the attendant of one Emanuel Barnes, to whom he acted as
Italian teacher. William Camden, the historian and antiquary,
was probably in the position of a " poor scholar" while he attended
the Grammar School, and this was certainly the case of Simon
Forman, a strange and interesting figure of his time, whose attain-
ments in astrology and magic might have caused him to be classed
among those who turned out " roagues,"

130 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

the Chapel services. Cooper's Injunctions contain a re-
enactment of the orders made by Horn as to the use of
academic dress : this was perhaps intended to include
Horn's orders as to the surplice : and Horn's directions
on both points now seem to have been carried out. The
accounts for 1586 contain a charge for surplices for the
Chapel ; and the use of the " habitus sacer " as well as
that of the " habitus scholasticus " is from time to time
enforced by penalties recorded in the Register.

The general discipline of the College seems also to
have been improved. But some of its members were
concerned in a serious riot which took place in the
summer of the following year, and of which Wood has
left a picturesque account, from the relation of eye-
witnesses. The origin of the outbreak had occurred
some time earlier, when " certain scholars of Magdalen
College" had been stealing deer in Shotover Forest, and
one of their number, Thomas Godstow,* had been
imprisoned by Lord Norris. His friends determined to
make an attack on Lord Norris, when he next came to
Oxford; and in July 1586 they found their chance.
They gathered together " with their gowns girt about
them, armed with divers sorts of weapons," and advanced
upon the Bear Inn, near All Saints' Church, where Lord
Norris was staying, but were beaten back by his retainers
to S. Mary's.

" Whereupon a great outcrie being raised, the Vice-
Chancellor, Proctors and others are called, who rushing
suddenly in among the Scholars appeased and sent them
away with fair words, yet some of them were hurt, and
Binks the Lord's keeper sorely wounded.''

By direction of the Vice-Chancellor, all Scholars were

* He was in 1586 Fellow and B.A.

LAURENCE HUMFREY 131

confined to their Colleges, and Lord Norris prepared to
leave the town.

" But the Scholars of Magdalen College, being not able
to pocket these affronts, went up privately to the top of
their Tower and waiting till he should pass by towards
Ricot sent down a shower of stones that they had picked
up, upon him and his retinew, wounding some and endan-
gering others of their lives. It is said that upon the
foresight of this storm, divers had got boards, others tables
on their heads to keep them from it, and that if the Lord
had not been in his coach or chariot he would certainly
have been killed."

It is hardly to be wondered at that

" the result came to this pass, that some of the offenders
were severely punished, others expelled, and the Lord
with much ado pacified by the sages of the University." *

Wood remarks that this matter is " barely mentioned "
in the University records. In the College records it is
not mentioned at all. But it is perhaps not insig-
nificant that on August 12 Thomas Godstow received
leave of absence for a year, and that his Fellowship was
vacant at the next election.

The Register, though it records nothing of this
matter, contains notices of minor incidents which show
that the effects of former laxity had not disappeared.
But, on the whole, the remainder of Humfrey''s Presi-
dentship seems to have been orderly. He died on
February 1, 1589, and was buried in the choir of the

* Wood, Annals, 1586. A document mentioned in the Calendar
of State Papers shows the date of the riot to have been July 25, not,
as Wood says, about Michaelmas.

132 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

Chapel. The " comely monument " set above his grave
on the south wall was afterwards removed to the south
wall of the ante-chapel, where it still remains.*

* The period covered by Humfrey's Presidentship was made
notable in the history of the College by the number of its members
who held high ecclesiastical preferment. To say nothing of minor
dignities, nine of its former Fellows became Bishops between 1560
and 1586. They had all, with one exception, been Fellows while
Oglethorpe was President.

CHAPTER X

NICOLAS BOND, JOHN HARDING
WILLIAM LANGTON, 1589-1626

THE election of Humfrey's successor was a cause of
fresh trouble and contention. The non-conforming
party was still strong, both in the College and in the
University ; and its members aimed at securing the
election of a President who would continue, or revive,
the policy which Humfrey had maintained for many
years. It was felt, no doubt, on the other side, that
such an election would undo, both in Magdalen and in
the University, most of what had been effected in the
way of enforcing conformity: and to avert this the
influence of the Crown was brought to bear. A letter
from the Queen was sent to the Fellows, requiring them

" to use good consideration in making choice of such a
Governor as is agreeable to the Statutes of that House, and
good meaning of the Founder, and likely to repair and
reform the late decays and disorders thereof."

The letter went on to recommend to the electors
Dr. Nicolas Bond, and to command them to nominate
and elect him to the vacant office within the time
limited by the Statutes.

Nicolas Bond was a former Fellow, who had held
several ecclesiastical preferments: he had become Canon

134 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

of Westminster in 1582, and was at this time one of
the Queen's chaplains. Whitgift had recommended
him for the vacant Mastership of the Temple on the
occasion when Richard Hooker had been elected to that
office. The qualities which made him acceptable to
Whitgift, however, did not make his nomination
welcome to the Puritan party.

The exact details of the election are not recorded :
but it would seem that at the final " scrutiny " by the
thirteen seniors a majority of the votes were actually
given in favour of Ralph Smith. Before the result was
announced the proceedings were interrupted. Swithun
Stroud, one of the Bursars, carried away the voting
papers from the scrutators, and removed them from the
Chapel.* The election, if it was completed, was not
completed within the time required by the Statutes.
On February £1 the Vice-President and eleven of the
Fellows addressed the Queen, alleging that the objec-
tions to Bond were so serious that they could not, with
due regard to their oath, obey her commands to elect
him, and stating that they had chosen Smith, whom
they prayed the Queen to accept.

After inquiry by some members of the Privy Council
and the Bishop of Winchester the election of Smith
was set aside as " contra formam statuti " ; and as a
" statutable " election was now impossible, it was held
that the right of nomination had lapsed to the Crown.
Letters patent were accordingly issued, declaring Smith's
election null, and nominating Bond to the vacant office.
He was accordingly admitted on April 5.

While the case was pending objections against Bond

* A somewhat similar case occurred in Laud's election as Presi-
dent of S. John's College in 1611.

NICOLAS BOND 135

were made by his opponents, and counter- charges were
made against Smith and his friends. Some of the
latter, it was said, had canvassed unduly on behalf of
their candidate; others were notorious for non-con-
formity and for opposition to the Queen's letters on
former occasions. One, Ambrose Webb, was said to be
" a great patron of Martin Marprelate, and a publisher
of his seditious libels.'" Probably the character thus
given to Smith's friends weighed against him ; and the
result was certainly not popular with the non-conform-
ing party; the " Marprelate " writers attributed the
success of " the Bond of iniquity " to the influence of
Whitgift and Cooper.

Bond's appointment as Vice-Chancellor, three months
after his admission as President, was probably intended to
strengthen the hands of the Chancellor, Sir Christopher
Hatton, who was endeavouring by reforms to undo the
mischiefs which had resulted from Leicester's policy.
He did not, it would seem, fulfil all Hatton's expecta-
tions : but a letter of complaint which Hatton sent to
the University at the end of Bond's year of office was
not, in Bond's view, j ust. He took the unusual step of
returning the letter, with a statement of the grounds on
which he had decided not to read it in Convocation,
and of his reasons for objecting to its contents. He
urged that more had been done to enforce obedience to
the Statutes than Hatton supposed; and pointed out
that some of the reforms which Hatton wished to press
were matters of College, not of University, discipline.
One of these was the ordinary use of Latin as the
language of conversation ; and on this point his state-
ment has some special interest, since he mentions his
" owne House " as one of those Colleges in which the rule

136 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

was in force, and " whose Schollars dare not presume to
speake any other language than Latine." *

He was again Vice- Chancellor in 1592, when he
received the Queen on her visit to Oxford, and noblemen
of her train were entertained at a banquet at Magdalen.
This event is described in a Latin poemf by John
Sanford, who was at the time one of the Chaplains of
the College, and whose account of Bond, even with
reasonable allowance for complimentary exaggeration,
suggests a much more favourable view of the President
than that which might be obtained from the " Mar-
prelate " writings. Bond seems, in fact, to have been
an able governor both of his own College and of the
University, and to have been regarded with respect and
affection by those who had most to do with him.

Magdalen certainly prospered under his rule.J Its
educational work revived, and made some new develop-
ments. In December 1591 certain "decrees" were
made " ad commodum Collegii, morum disciplinam, et
studiosorum profectum." These enact, among other
things, that the "poor scholars" are to attend the
Grammar School. But perhaps the most notable

* Some complaint had been made on this point in 1585 ; but it is
not one on which Cooper's Injunctions lay stress. The Register
does not show any signs of greater strictness on this matter under
Bond than under Humfrey, unless the use of English be supposed
to have been part of the offence of a Fellow who was " put out of
commons" for a week in July 1589, " quod verbum unum aut alterum
opprobriosum in electione protulerit indefinite in haec verba There
is Knaverie."

f Apollinis et Musarum Eidyllia, reprinted in vol. viii. of the
Oxford Historical Society's publications.

+ It was about the end of Bond's Presidentship that Bacon,
" laying for a place to command wits and pens," noted Magdalen
as the best College for his purpose in Oxford.

NICOLAS BOND 137

changes which appear from the Register to have been
put in force about this time concern teaching in the
College itself. The students in " logic and sophistry "
were divided into classes, and lecturers appointed for
each class. An effort was also made to deal with the
idleness of the Bachelors, which was one of the standing
difficulties of the time. They were required to " com-
pose exercises " ; and a system was introduced by which
they should in turn deliver lectures on " Geography
and Cosmography " * for their own improvement and
the benefit of any who might wish to hear them. Each
lecture was to deal with some particular author, so that
the whole should form a connected series. From these
rules Probationer Fellows, at all events, were not
exempt. But there seems to have been a desire to
evade them ; a large proportion of the penalties recorded
about this time are for non-delivery of lectures, or for
absence from the lectures and disputations. Of more
serious misconduct there are few recorded cases; and
most of these affect only a few persons among the
Demies, whose names, after a certain amount of penalty
and warning, disappear from the books.

In financial matters also the College was now pros-
perous. At the time of Cooper's Visitation, it had
seemed necessary to direct that the increased revenue
arising from the new system of corn-rents should not be
applied to the benefit of the Fellows till the general
finances of the College were brought into a sound
condition. But when he laid down this rule the appli-
cation of the new revenue had already been begun.
The accounts of 1585 show that in that year an

* Probably these subjects were prescribed for a certain period,
others being afterwards chosen from time to time.

138 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

"allocation" was made "pro novo incremento per
statutum " ; and though this was not increased till 1589
it was not discontinued.* In 1596 the accounts at the
end of the year showed a surplus resulting from the
corn-rents, which the auditors agreed to divide between
the President and Fellows " secundum eorum gradus et
merita," on account of the " unwonted " expenditure
caused by high prices ; a proviso was added that this
division was not to be a precedent for the future ; and
this formula is repeated for each of the next few years,
until the division, when there was anything to divide,
had become more or less a matter of course. f

* The Act of j 8 Eliz., by which in all leases of College lands one
third of the rent was to be reserved in corn at the best market price,
provided that the increase was to be applied in relief of commons.
The Founder had specified three rates of allowance for commons,
varying with the price of corn, but had forbidden any allocation
beyond the highest of these rates. Cooper, in permitting the appli-
cation of the increased revenue according to the Act, was guided by
the fact, which he mentions, that prices were four times as high as
they had been in the Founder's time ; partly, also, perhaps, by the
consideration that the increased revenue was provided by the same
external authority which prescribed the mode of its application.
The allowance "pro novo incremento" in 1585, was one half the
medium rate of the old allowance. In 1589 it was made equal to the
old allowance.

t The division "secundum gradus et merita " was made on the
basis of the " classes " into which the Fellows were divided for the
distribution of " vestis liberata," i.e., the allowance for clothing.
This is first definitely stated in the " Liber computi " of 1602. The
division was made according to " classes " down to 1881, but in 1793
a change was made in the amount fixed as the unit for each class,
the sum being then fixed according to the average receipts from
" fines " during the past twenty years, instead of depending on the
old allowance for " vest." The " fines " on renewal of leases, which
in earlier times were divided among the members present at the
sealing, were afterwards divided among the whole body of the Presi-
dent and Fellows. One fourth of the "fines " was reserved for the
general purposes of the College, and not divided ; and in dealing

NICOLAS BOND 139

The production of a surplus was not due to the
neglect of the buildings or other requirements of the
College. No additions of any importance were made to
the fabric : but large repairs were carried out from time
to time. In 1597, when the surplus was large, the
expenditure, as shown by the " Liber computi," exceeded
^3000. This included large outlays on the repair of
enclosing walls, and the purchase of an organ for the
Chapel. In the following year there was a large pay-
ment for fitting up the muniment-room with cupboards
and boxes for the keeping of title-deeds ; in 1602 there
were further repairs to the walls and a new bell was cast
for the tower; in 1603 there was a large addition to
the panelling of the Hall. But the year marked by the
largest expenditure of a special kind was 1605.

In August of this year James I. and his Queen visited
Oxford with their eldest son, Prince Henry. The
Prince was entertained at Magdalen,* and the King
also came to see the College, which he pronounced to be
"the most absolute building in Oxford."" In view of
this visit much work was done in the decoration of the
Hall and Cloisters. The screen between the Hall and
the Buttery was probably erected at this time, to which

with the surplus at the end of the year considerable sums were
from time to time similarly reserved, and excluded from the
division.

* He was at this time about twelve years old. Wood (Fasti,
1605) says that he was now matriculated as a member of Magdalen ;
but his matriculation is not recorded in the University Register, nor
in that of the College ; nor is it mentioned in the very full account
of the royal visit published by Isaac Wake, under the title of Rex
Platonicus. Perhaps a phrase used in this work may be the basis
of Wood's statement. Sir Thomas Chaloner, the Prince's " gover-
nor" (who became his Chamberlain in 1610, when he was created
Prince of Wales) had been a Commoner of Magdalen, and had two
sons among the Commoners of this time.

140 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

some of the heraldic ornaments upon it and upon the
arch of the Hall staircase seem to belong. In the
cloisters the statues were repaired and painted. The
cost of all this work and the other outlays connected
with the visit were so heavy that the outgoings for the
year exceeded the income by more than £80. The
Bursars, however, were not held responsible for this, on
the ground that " extraordinary but necessary expendi-
ture " had been required.* In the next year there was a
surplus, part of which was divided,

" propter annonae caritatem et expensas extraordinarias in
adventu Regis et Principis anno superior! et ob pestem
ingravescentem hoc anno."t

In February 1608 Bond died, and was succeeded by
John Harding, who had been one of his most active
opponents in 15894 Harding was a Hebrew scholar of
some distinction ; at the time of his election as President

* The formula approving the accounts has been transcribed from
the fair copy of the "Liber computi" into the Bursars' rough
draft ; where after the usual statement that the Bursars of the year
" recesserunt quieti " there is added a fervent " Laus Deo."

f When reasons are assigned for a division they are generally of
this kind. High prices and plague also served in several years
about this time as a ground for general leave of absence during a
considerable part of the Long Vacation, when, but for such dispen-
sation, the Fellows and Demies would have been bound to reside
under the College Statutes. Some members of the College, how-
ever, seem to have been always left in residence.

J Harding was named by all the thirty-seven Fellows present at
the election ; a fact which suggests that he may have been " recom-
mended " by the King. John Pusey, the Vice-President, was named
by twenty-two Fellows, and Ralph Smith (Bond's rival in 1589) by
twelve ; Francis Bradshaw, one of the senior Fellows, received two
votes, and John Parkhurst (a former Fellow, who became Master
of Balliol in 1616) had one. Pusey and Bradshaw both voted for
Harding and Smith.

WILLIAM LANGTON 141

he held the office of Regius Professor, and was at the
head of the Oxford committee for the translation of the
Old Testament.* As appears from the events of 1589,
he belonged to the more Puritan section ; indeed, the
voting in this election and in that of Harding^ successor
seems to show that the Puritan element in the College
was at this time very strong. With the possible exception
of John Parkhurst all those for whom votes were given
at Harding's election were of this school.

Harding^ Presidentship was brief and uneventful.
But it may be observed that under his rule the number
of matriculations of non-foundationers suddenly in-
creased. In 1610 there were sixty entries, and a very
large proportion of the persons were "plebeii filii,11
while a good many are described as "poor scholars.11 f
It is clear that in spite of Cooper's injunction and the
"decrees" of 1591 there was a tendency to revert, at
least so far as regards the number of admissions, to the
system, or want of system, which had prevailed under
Humfrey.

Harding died in November 1610, and William
Langton was chosen as his successor. The election, as
in the last case, was practically unanimous; and the
record of the "scrutiny11 again shows the strong
Puritan sympathies of the College. Of thirty-two
Fellows present, thirty voted for Langton. As their
second candidate, twenty-one of these named Thomas
Sparke, nine named John Wilkinson. Of the remaining
Fellows, one voted for Parkhurst and Wilkinson, the

* This committee was specially charged with the translation
of the Prophetical books.

f In the Long Vacation of 1612 Magdalen had seventy-six "poor
scholars."

142 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

other (Wilkinson himself) for Parkhnrst and Ralph
Smith. Of Langton little more is known than the
facts that he was of a Lincolnshire family, that he
matriculated as a member of Magdalen Hall, that he
had been Fellow of Magdalen from 1591 to 1607, and
that he was President from 1610 to 1626. But two of
the other three candidates named were noted Puritans.
Sparke, who had been Fellow under Humfrey, was one
of the Puritan representatives at the Hampton Court
conference, and although after the conference he both
practised and advised conformity, his Puritanism was
undoubted. John Wilkinson, who soon afterwards
became Principal of Magdalen Hall, was one of the
leaders of the Puritan party in the University.

At this time, indeed, it has been said that Magdalen
was " the very nursery of Puritans," and some prominent
men of that party were among its members.* But the
nursery, while it was under Langton^s charge, was a
somewhat turbulent one. All through his Presidentship
there are frequent records of penalties, sometimes for
"supine negligence11 (a phrase which is pretty often
repeated), sometimes for disobedience to the College
officers,! and occasionally for offences of such a kind as
to involve expulsion. These records, it must be

* Brook, Lives of the Puritans, ii. 304. Among the Foundationers
of the time, besides John Wilkinson, were Richard Capell (Fellow
1608), Thomas Baylie (Fellow 1610), and Ferdinando Nicolls (Demy
1610). In 1610 William Pemble matriculated as a Commoner;
George Wither, the Puritan poet, entered as a Commoner in 1604,
and it was perhaps in consequence of the Puritan tone of the College
that it received in 1610 one of the most notable of all its Commoners,
John Hampden.

f A curious instance is the case of several bachelors who, in spite
of the repeated order of the Vice-President that they should wear
caps during dinner, persisted in wearing hats instead.

WILLIAM LANGTON 143

observed, are for the most part concerned with the
Fellows and graduate Demies ; undergraduates' offences,
unless they were of the most serious nature, were dealt
with by the Deans or other officers, not by the more
formal process of which the Register contains the
results.

Soon after Langton's election the College shared in
the general mourning for Henry, Prince of Wales,
whom they seem to have regarded, from the time of his
visit in 1605, as their special patron. Their grief was
attested not only by an expenditure of 30,9. "pro le
Blackes ad celebrandum exequias principis," but by the
production of a College volume of lamentable verses, in
addition to the elegies published by the University.*
A few months later the Elector Palatine visited
Oxford, and a comedy was performed for his entertain-
ment. But apart from such matters there is little
during this period in the records which is worth a
special mention.

No building, save in the nature of ordinary repairs,
took place at this time in the College itself; but large
additions were made to the accommodation of Magdalen
Hall. New rooms were added above the School building5
and to the north of the older buildings of the Hall.

* " Luctus posthumus : sive erga defunctum illustrissimum Henri-
cum Walliae Principem Collegii Beatae Mariae Magdalenae apud
Oxonienses Mascenatem longe indulgentissimum Magdalenensium
officiosa Pietas." (4to, Oxford, 1612.) Most of the pieces in the
volume are in Latin, a few in Greek, one in Spanish. The last was
probably the work of James Mabbe, a Fellow of the time, who
published several translations from Spanish authors. He had
been chosen as the orator to address the Prince on his arrival at
Magdalen in 1605. It may be observed that the accounts for the
year mention presents of game sent by the Prince to the College,
and of gloves sent by the College to the Prince.

144 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

To this time belongs the larger part of the little block
of buildings now known as the " Grammar Hall.11 The
southern part of this block, including the small bell-
turret, was part of the school building; but the
adjoining rooms were for the most part at least
included in the buildings occupied by the members of
Magdalen Hall. The date of 1614 on the western
front marks the time when this portion was erected or
repaired.* Under Wilkinson's government the Hall
was increasing rapidly: in 1621 its matriculations
numbered 113 ; and according to Wood, it had in the
years preceding 1625 about 300 members.! No doubt
a part only of this number lodged in the Hall itself;
but the need of additional rooms must have been
urgent.

The growth of the Hall was partly due to the fact
that it had now become the chief centre of Oxford
Puritanism. The College, on the other hand, was
already beginning to change its character, and numbered
among its members some strong supporters of the
movement, opposed alike to Calvinism and Puritanism,
which had been begun by Laud. With the death of
Langton and the election of his successor, in 1626, it
entered on a new phase of its history.

* The "Grammar Hall" owes its present name to the facts that
it includes part of the old School building, and that the name
of " Grammar Hall" was at first given, as we have seen, to the
Hall which was afterwards known as Magdalen Hall.

f Wood, Colleges and Halls, p. 686.

From a photograph by] [Ronald P. Jones, Magd. Coll.

THE GRAMMAR HALL

CHAPTER XI

ACCEPTED FREWEN, JOHN OLIVER

1626-1646

THE person chosen as Langton's successor was the Vice-
President, Accepted Frewen, who was elected October
24, 1626, " unanimis sociorum suffragiis." * He was the
son of John Frewen, the Puritan Rector of Northiam in
Sussex ; he had become Demy in 1603, and Fellow in
1612, being then, as Wood says, " puritanically in-
clined.*" In 1617 he went to Spain as chaplain to the
Ambassador, Sir John Digby ; f and he was at Madrid
as chaplain to the Embassy at the time of Prince
Charles's visit to the Spanish Court. A sermon which
he preached there is said to have made a strong impres-
sion on the Prince's mind, and perhaps was not without
effect in deciding the fate of the negotiations for the
" Spanish marriage." t After his return from his
absence abroad he became Vice- President in 1624 ; he
had already held for some time the office of Reader in

* At the election thirty-six Fellows were present. Frewen
received thirty-five votes, William Sparke (a son of Thomas Sparke,
mentioned above) twenty-nine, and Thomas Mason seven. Frewen
himself voted for Sparke and Mason.

t Sir John Digby, afterwards Earl of Bristol, had been a Com-
moner of Magdalen in 1595.

£ It was on the text " How long halt ye between two opinions? "
and urged the Prince to be steadfast in the doctrines of the Church
of England.

K

146 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

Theology, which he had obtained while residing out of
England. In 1625 Charles, on his accession, had chosen
him as one of his chaplains ; and later in the same year
he was made Canon of Canterbury.

Frewen's election is a sign of the change which had
taken place in the feelings of the College. Whatever
may have been the case in his early days, he was
certainly not now "puritanically inclined."" In the
religious controversies of his time he was a supporter of
the movement which had Laud for its leader,* and in
University matters he did a good deal to promote and
to carry out the plans which the Earl of Pembroke had
taken in hand, at Laud's suggestion, in the latter years
of his Chancellorship, and which Laud himself, as Pem-
broke's successor, completed. It was partly by his
means that Laud was chosen, on Lord Pembroke's death
in 1630, to fill the vacant office.t

In his own College he seems to have been an active
Head. His principal work, or at least that by which he
is most likely to be remembered, was the restoration of
the Chapel. Before his election, in the latter years of
Langton, there are some signs of increased expenditure
upon the Chapel and its furnishings. But these are
more marked in 1626 and the following year. London
workmen were employed in 1626 and 1627 ; a screen
was erected, the choir was painted, and some other work
was done in repair and decoration. In 1629 the task
was taken in hand more thoroughly, and continued

* He was not, however, much inclined to press his views upon
the opposite party. At the Savoy Conference, where he presided,
Baxter considered him mild and peaceable.

t Frewen was at this time Vice-Chancellor, in the second year of
his tenure. He was Vice-Chancellor again in 1638 and in 1639, In
September 1631 he was installed as Dean of Gloucester.

ACCEPTED FREWEN 147

steadily till 1635. Few details can be gathered from
the accounts, probably because Frewen himself superin-
tended the whole work, receiving and expending the
sums assigned for it by the College from year to year.
These, though large in comparison with the expendi-
ture during the time of Humfrey, Harding, and Lang-
ton, would not have sufficed for the cost of what was
actually done, and it seems likely that Frewen himself
supplied a considerable part of the necessary funds,
possibly aided by private contributions from others. It
is clear that the work of renovation was extensive and
thorough. The floor was re-paved with black and
white marble, the stalls were in part renewed, and
decorated with paintings, the windows of the ante-chapel
were filled with painted glass ; the east wall was adorned
with representations of the Nativity, the Passion, the
Resurrection, and the Ascension, " very largely and
exquisitely set forth with colours/1* The brass eagle-
lectern, still in the Chapel, was provided, and no doubt
other furniture also. The arrangement of the altar
gave rise to some criticisms. It was " the first that was
set up in the University after the Reformation," and
was the subject of some remarks in sermons at S. Mary's,
in one of which it was compared to the altar at Bethel.f
These sermons, however, were not limited in their appli-
cation to Frewen and his College, and their authors
suffered " banishment " from the University.^

* This is the statement of Peter Mundy, who visited the Chapel
in 1639, and recorded his impressions in his journal, now in the
Bodleian Library (MS. Rawlinson, A. 315). It is not clear whether
the representations were in sculpture.

f Calamy, Nonconformist's Memorial, cited by Bloxam, Register,
vol. ii. p. xci.

$ Some account of the proceedings is given by Wood (Annals, 1631).

148 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

The only parts of Frewen's work now remaining in
the Chapel are the eagle-lectern and the windows of
the ante-chapel. Of the latter, the large west window
(to suit which the stone tracery was altered) was per-
haps the work of Christopher Schwarz, but more pro-
bably copied from his design by Richard Greenbury,
the artist who executed the smaller windows.* The
painted panels from the stalls are preserved, but the
rest of Frewen's work, or what was then left of it, was
dispersed in 1837, after the restoration began in 1830.t

The work thus carried out in the Chapel was warmly
commended by Walter Curll, the Visitor, in a letter
addressed to the College soon after its completion, in
which he suggests "the commendable and imitable
practise of his Maties Chappell" as a model to be
followed in the performance of the Chapel services.
No doubt these were now marked by somewhat more
careful ceremonial than had been in use under Frewen's
predecessors since the time of Humfrey: but the
accounts do not throw much light on this matter
beyond what may be gathered from a great increase
in the charges for books and for copying music, and
the appearance of charges for " musicians on festivals."

* These smaller windows were removed after 1660 to the choir,
to fill the places of windows which had been destroyed. They were
restored when the present choir windows were introduced. The
large window, which was very much damaged by the great storm
of 1703, was repaired in 1794 by Egginton of Handsworth, who
seems to have retouched its older portions, so as to deepen the tone
of their colouring and make them uniform with his own work.

t In the course of this later restoration much stone and wood-
work was removed from the Chapel. Some of this material was
used in the building of the parish church of Theale, other portions
were given for like purposes, and the remainder, with other interior
fittings, was sold,

ACCEPTED FREWEN 149

The Chapel was not the only part of the College in
which extensive works were carried out during this
time. A new gateway, designed by Inigo Jones, was
erected opposite the " Gravel Walk," standing, as will
be seen from Loggan's print, nearly at right angles to
the site of the present gateway : the entrance from
S. John's Quadrangle to the Chapel porch was decorated
in a similar style.* A considerable addition to the
buildings was also made by the erection of a new block
near the Cherwell intended mainly for the accommoda-
tion of Commoners.f The old brew-house, which had
perhaps occupied part of the site of this building, or
stood too near it, was demolished and rebuilt. These
works seem to have been finished for the most part by
1636. In that year the statues in the cloisters were
again painted : and in 1637 there was a considerable
expenditure in the improvement of the Walks.

The Visitor, in his letter already mentioned, con-
gratulates the College upon the peaceful and united
state of their body : and in this respect, as well as in
some others, the condition of the College under Frewen
seems to compare favourably with that which had
existed for some time before his election. But Curll
thought that some matters needed improvement. Chief
among these was the position of the " poor scholars.11
He writes :

" I am informed that you have a multitude of poore
schollers or Servitors, which hang upon the Colledge in an
idle and unschollerly way, by reason that every man takes
unto himself a liberty to take in whom he will to wayt

* This is shown in Loggan's print. The doorway was restored to
a simpler form in 1792.

t The present " Kitchen Staircase."

150 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

upon him, without any order of admittance, which I take
to be principally the fault of the President, who either out
of negligence, or Indulgence, and Connivence sees and
suffers this disorder, and reformes it not."

The College itself, in 1628, had ordered that no one
should be admitted to the place of a " poor scholar "
without the President's approval. But this order,
though probably enforced, would affect only the " poor
scholars " who were admitted under the permission of
Cooper's injunction; that is to say, those who were
attached to the thirteen senior Fellows. At the time
of Cooper's Visitation it had been natural enough to
expect that the junior members of the foundation
should still do for themselves or for one another such
services as in Waynflete's days they would have done
as a matter of course, and as in later days have been
done by College servants. But the fifty years which
had passed since 1585 had brought about a change in
this matter. Those who could not, under Cooper's
rule, secure the services of "poor scholars" regularly
admitted had apparently begun to employ persons of
the same class who were not formally attached to the
College as " poor scholars," but, as Curll says, " hung
upon " it " without any order of admittance." A list
drawn up in 1636 shows that there were then sixty-six
"poor scholars," of whom forty -five are entered as
depending on particular persons, eleven as " of the
alms-basket," and ten as "certain others."*

The remedy which Curll applied was one of regula-
tion, not of prohibition. None were to be allowed " to
serve any of the foundation " without being admitted,

* The list is printed by Dr. Bloxam, Register, vol. iii. p. 163.

ACCEPTED FREWEN 151

and having their names entered in a book by the
President. They were then to be required to attend
the Grammar School ; or, if their learning had passed
the range of its teaching, to attend lectures and perform
all disputations and exercises required of members of
the foundation. All Commoners also, " the sonnes of
Noblemen and such as are of great quality only ex-
cepted " were to be " tyed to the same rules.11

As to changes in the educational system of the
College following on the changes effected by the
Laudian Statutes in the conditions required for a
degree in the University, there is no direct evidence.
Probably such changes did not involve the introduction
of new plans. But "the new statutes" had some
influence in increasing the diligence of students, if we
may judge from a letter written by a Demy, who
complains that their " exigency " has taken away all his
leisure.* So far as the Vice-President's Register throws
light on the matter, any changes which were made seem
to have worked smoothly, and any additional require-
ments to have been enforced without difficulty on the
members of the College. The censures for "supine
negligence," which are frequent in the time of Frewen^s
predecessors, practically disappear from the pages of
the Register soon after his election. Both the negative
evidence of this record and the positive statements of
the Visitor's letter lead to the belief that in the years
preceding the outbreak of the Civil War the College
was well governed and peaceful.

Trouble, however, was at hand. In July 1642, the

* Christopher Windebank (son of the Secretary, Francis Winde-
bank), Demy 1630-5. Calendar of State Papers, Dom., 1634, Novem-
ber n.

152 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

Register records the arrival of the King's letter to the
University, requesting aid from the Colleges and from
individuals. The President and Fellows, "upon the
saide letter and other good causes," resolved to make a
loan to the King of £1000 : and

" in regard the Treasory of the sayd College was able to
afford but fower hundred and fifty pounds toward the
raisinge of the summe aforesaide it is further ordered and
decreed that all the plate of the saide College shall be
forthwith sold to the outermost value towarde the raisinge
of the said summe."

The sale of the plate, however, did not take place.
Frewen himself lent the College ^?500 to make up the
amount of the loan, the remaining ^50 being lent by
Dr. John Nourse, a Law Fellow. Frewen was to be
repaid by the sale of plate and timber, and by the
moneys which the College expected to receive towards
the end of the year. The Parliament seem to have
been informed, or to have guessed, that money was
being raised for the King in Oxford, and that Frewen
was concerned in the matter. He was one of those
members of the University whose arrest was ordered on
July 12. But before that time the loan had been paid
over to the King's receiver: and Frewen left Oxford
soon after, and remained absent till the end of the
year.

On August 13 the King's proclamation " for the
suppressing of the present Rebellion " was published in
Oxford, and measures were taken to provide for the
defence of the city in his interest. The highway near
Magdalen Bridge was blocked up with " long timber
logs " to prevent horsemen from entering the city from

ACCEFTED FREWEN 153

that side ; the barricade was by the corner of the
Chaplains1 Quadrangle, where a gate close to the
College allowed room for the passage of ordinary traffic.
Some loads of stones were carried up to the top of the
tower for use in case of need * ; and scholars were
enrolled and drilled. On August 28 Sir John Byron
arrived in Oxford with a body of cavalry, and remained
for about a fortnight. At the end of that time he
marched to join the King ; and with him went " divers
scholars as volunteers, to the number of about an
hundred."" Among these was Dr. John Nourse of
Magdalen, who was made commander of a company of
foot in the King^s army, and fell in the battle of
Edgehill, six weeks afterwards. f

Byron had hardly left Oxford when it was entered by
the forces of the Parliament. A day or two later Lord
Say, the Parliament's Lieutenant of Oxfordshire, arrived
and took command; and the Colleges, Magdalen in-
cluded, were visited and disarmed. Lord Say, however,
determined not to garrison the city, and withdrew from
it before the end of September.

On October 29 the King entered Oxford after the
battle at Edgehill. His infantry was billeted in the
city, and his " ordnance and great guns " were " driven
into Magdalen College grove." After the ineffectual
advance on London, he returned on November 29 to
Oxford, which now became the headquarters of the
Royalists.J Further steps were taken for the defence

* The remembrance of Lord Norris's retreat from Oxford perhaps
suggested this means of defence.

f Wood, Fasti (ed. Bliss), ii. 4.

+ It is said that during the Royalist occupation Prince Rupert
was quartered in Magdalen, and this is not unlikely to have been
the case. But the College records give no evidence of the fact.

154 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

of the city. The barricade by Magdalen was
strengthened, a mound of earth being thrown up to
join the wall of the Physic Garden, and guns were
mounted upon it. The Colleges and citizens were
required to supply men for work on the fortifications,
chiefly, at this time, on the north side of the city.

On January 3, 1643, the plant of the Mint was
brought from Shrewsbury to Oxford, and a few days
later the King sent to the Colleges a letter requesting
them to supply his needs by the loan of their plate,
promising repayment at a fixed rate. On the reading
of the letter at Magdalen

"all the Fellowes there present unanimously gave their
consent and forthwith sent away all their plate unto his
Maties Mint according to the direction."

One or two pieces of plate only were retained: the
Founder's cup being one. The plate actually surren-
dered for the King's service amounted to 229 lb. 9 oz.
of " white plate " and 66 lb. 9 oz. 15 dwt. of gilt plate.
Its value, at the rates stated in the King's letter, was
slightly above <£900.*

Rupert's name occurs in them only in a charge in the accounts of
1643 for a payment to his trumpeters. If payments to trumpeters
were less frequently mentioned this might have been significant:
but the entry is only one of a large number of similar charges
between 1600 and 1650. According to Twyne's statement, Rupert
and his brother were quartered, at first, at any rate, in the house of
Timothy Carter the Town Clerk. (Wood's Life and Times, vol. i. p. 72.)
* Hickman, one of the Fellows placed in the College under the
Commonwealth, seems to have supposed that the Founder's cup
went to the Mint with the rest. If so, it must have been redeemed :
but it is possible that it was at this time placed in safe keeping, and
consequently was not in the College while Hickman resided there.
Among the plate " lent " to the King, one piece was probably that
described as "cantharus ex dono loannis Hamden Buckingham-
iensis, 1610. "

JOHN OLIVER 155

In July 1643 a complaint was made to the College
against Richard Lytcott, M.A. and Demy, who had
been absent without leave for nearly a year, and was
alleged to have borne arms against the King. The
Visitor was consulted, and decided that the latter
charge, if proved, constituted an " enorme crimen " and
" grave scandalum," warranting deprivation : and the
officers of the College, having heard evidence as to the
fact, pronounced Lytcott's place to be vacant.*

During 1643 and the following years the work of
fortifying Oxford was carried on, Colleges and individual
members of the University aiding by money payments
and by labour.f At Magdalen the trees in the Walks
were felled ; means were provided for flooding the
meadows beyond the Walks, and batteries were erected
at some suitable points. One of these, placed at the
north-east corner of the Walks, was apparently known as
" Dover pier/" It was probably named after the Earl
of Dover, who had command of the University regiment
which was formed for the defence of the city, and
mustered for the first time on May 14, 1644, in
Magdalen College grove.

Frewen, who had been named as Bishop of Lichfield
in 1643, was consecrated in the College Chapel on
April 28, 1644, and resigned his Presidentship on
May 11. His successor was John Oliver, who received
the votes of all the twenty-eight Fellows present at the
first " scrutiny," and of all the thirteen seniors. J Oliver

* Lytcott had been " an Antient in the Lord of Peterborough his
regiment. " The proceedings are printed by Bloxam (Register, v. 135).

f Magdalen paid for this work, between 1643 and 1645, something
over £200.

J As their second candidate twenty-one Fellows named Thomas
Buckner, who had been Oliver's tutor : five other persons received

156 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

was a former Demy and Fellow, who had been chaplain
to Archbishop Laud. As Fellow, " his moderate
expedients did much to reconcile differences," and the
phrase in the record of his election which describes him
as " pium, doctum, et pacificum " seems to have had, in
his case, a very real meaning. Among his pupils he
had numbered Edward Hyde, afterwards Earl of
Clarendon and Chancellor.*

The 29th of May, the day after Oliver's formal
admission as President, was a day of alarms. Essex and
Waller, after occupying Reading and Abingdon,
had divided their forces ; and Essex, crossing the
Thames at Sandford, moved by Cowley and Buliingdon
Green towards Islip. For some hours his forces
remained " facing the city," and it was supposed for a
time that they were intending an attack. Their pur-
pose, however, was only to cover the passage of their
baggage-train ; and except for a slight skirmish, the
result of a sortie made by the " scholars and citizens,"
no actual fighting occurred. The King, attended by
Prince Rupert, watched the movements of the troops
from Magdalen Tower, f

The Tower, no doubt, served as a point of observation
not only on this occasion, but during the ineffectual
siege of fifteen days, in the summer of 1645, by Fairfax
and Cromwell, and also in the final siege by Fairfax in

one or two votes each. Among these was John Moore, a former
Fellow of New College, the solitary instance of a vote being recorded
for a candidate so qualified.

* Clarendon was never a member of Magdalen. He entered at
Magdalen Hall in 1623, in the hope of obtaining a Demyship, and
was placed under Oliver's tuition. But, although recommended by
James I., he was not chosen Demy, and he remained a member of
the Hall so long as he was in residence.

t Walker, Historical Discourses, p. 16.

JOHN OLIVER 157

the following year. During the latter, the batteries in
the Walks were in active work, especially one which is
described as a "work in the river,'1'' which was ap-
proached by "a high and strong causeway" forming
part of Magdalen Walks, and which is probably to be
identified with "Dover pier."*

During the time for which Oxford was a Royalist
stronghold, the Colleges suffered severely from the
demands made upon their resources by the garrison,
and from the difficulty of collecting rents. This was
certainly the case with Magdalen. The "billa peti-
tionis," or account of debts due to the College, rises in
amount every year. The " ledgers * show that to meet
necessary expenditure the College was obliged to borrow
money on bonds, or to give bonds for debts incurred ;
and the confusion which existed even after the surrender
of Oxford is shown by a statement in the "Liber
computi" of 1646, to the effect that at the audit the
Bursars produced a sum of nearly ^600 which they had
received from tenants, but of which they could give no
detailed account, because it could not certainly be made
out who the tenants were by whom the money had been
sent.

The terms made with Fairfax for the surrender of
the city included an article saving the rights and pos-
sessions of the University and the Colleges ; but there
was no prospect of a return, either in the University or
in most of the Colleges, to a settled state of things.
Wood testifies that when he returned to Oxford, two
months after the surrender, he found it

* This work is mentioned in the Parliamentary accounts of the
siege. (Perfect Occurrences, May 23 and 25 ; Mercurius Civicus, c.
May 28, 1646.) The information in the text is derived from extracts
from these sources, kindly supplied by Mr. C. H. Firth.

158 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

" empty as to scholars, but pretty well replenished with
parliamentarian soldiers ... as for the yong men of the
city and university he found many of them to have been
debauch'd by bearing armes and doing the duties belonging
to soldiers, as watching, warding, and sitting in tipling-
houses for whole nights together." *

Before the troubles of the state of siege and the
confusion which resulted from it were at an end, new
troubles of another sort began : and when Magdalen
once more became a place of learning, it was occupied
for the most part by other students than those who had
dwelt in it before the outbreak of the war.

* Wood's Life and Times, i. 129.

CHAPTER XII

JOHN OLIVER, JOHN WILKINSON
THOMAS GOODWIN, 1646-1660

THE first measure taken by the Parliament for the
reformation of Oxford followed quickly on the surrender.
On July 2 an order was made suspending elections in
the University and in the Colleges, and forbidding the
granting or renewing of leases by these corporations.
The University petitioned Fairfax to obtain the recall
of this order, on the ground that it was contrary to the
articles of surrender ; and it would seem that the pro-
hibition was not enforced. The College records show
no election in 1646, but near the end of that year a
presentation was made to a benefice in its gift ; and in
1647 elections were held and leases granted.

In September another step was taken. Six preachers*
were sent to Oxford, to preach in the various churches
in the city, and to supersede the preachers appointed
by the University. They were all of the Presbyterian
party ; and on their arrival at Oxford they were
encountered by "divers Independents and notable
Sectaries."! The conferences and debates which followed
were frequent and warm.

* Wood (Life and Times, i. 131) classifies them briefly but unfairly
as"twofooles . . . two knaves . . . two madmen."
f Wood, Annals, 1646.

160 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

About this time the College delivered to a messenger
of the House of Lords, who professed to have authority
to demand them, the mitre and staff of the Founder,
with other articles. These relics, which were valued at
about JP2000, seem to have been delivered by the
messenger to Alexander Thane, the Usher of the Black
Rod, and to have been converted by him, acting in
concert with a goldsmith named Wheeler, to their own
uses. An attempt was made, after the Restoration, to
trace the relics, or to recover compensation for their
loss ; but it was not successful.*

In May 1647 the Commission for Visiting the Uni-
versity was appointed, and addressed a citation to the
University and the Colleges to attend its Visitation on
June 4. A Delegacy was appointed by the University
to act on its behalf, and throughout the rest of the
year a contest was maintained between the Com-
missioners on one side and the Delegates and the
majority of the Heads of Colleges on the other. At
last, on December 14, the Committee of the two
Houses declared the Vice- Chancellor, the Proctors,f
and certain other persons, of whom John Oliver was
one, to be guilty of a " high contempt of authority of
Parliament."" On January 6, 1648, they proceeded to
declare Oliver's removal from his place of President;
and on March 17, as he had not removed, sent an order
for that purpose, with a direction that if he did not
obey he should be brought before them in custody.
By this time, however, he had apparently left Oxford,
though retaining possession of the Lodgings. His last
recorded act as President in this year was on January 6

* Bloxam, Register, ii. 341.

f Henry Hunt, Fellow of Magdalen, was the Junior Proctor.

JOHN OLIVER 161

when, on the very day when his own "removal"" was
decreed by the Committee of Parliament, he was
engaged, with other officers of the College, in "re-
moving" a Demy, against whom the "praefectus
miHtum " had lodged a complaint, on the ground that
his conduct had caused "grave praejudicium sive
scandalum " to the College.*

Henry Hunt, the Proctor of the previous year, re-
ceived leave of absence from the College on April 11 ; ~f
and with the entry of this fact the Vice-President's
Register breaks off. The next entry in the volume is
dated August 11, 1660. A new volume was begun in
the interval ; but hardly anything remains of the
entries made in it before the Restoration ; that there is
anything at all is probably due to an oversight on the
part of the person who tore out its early pages. Thus
the College records for the Commonwealth period con-
sist chiefly of account-books and " ledgers " ; the details
of the Visitation, however, can be gathered from the
Register of the Visitors, whose proceedings, after some
delays, were seriously begun on April 13.

The first College visited was Magdalen, where two
persons only appeared in answer to the citation, Mr.
John Dale, jun., one of the Fellows, and Mr. Thomas
Smith, one of the Clerks, who was " at this time crazed
through the iniquity of the times." The Visitors, having
struck out Oliver's name in the buttery-book, proceeded
to break open the Lodgings, and gave possession to
John Wilkinson, one of their own body, whom the

* George Nicholson, M.A., the Demy in question, had insulted
and assaulted certain persons who had lately served in the Parlia-
mentary army.

f He had been cited, with others, to appear before the Visitors on
April 7, but had not appeared.

L

162 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

Parliament had appointed President.* The same day
they published an order :

"that noe Fellow, Demy, Scholler, Chaplaine, Clerke,
Chorister, Officer, Servant, or Member of Magdalene
Colledge shall enjoy any benefitt of their respective places,
or any of them, untill they give satisfaction to the Visitors
of this University."

The method now pursued was to ask every member of a
College who appeared before them the question : " Do
you submit to the authority of Parliament in this
Visitation ? " and to require an immediate answer.
The answers which they received varied very greatly in
character, but the interpretation of them was simplified
by a resolution of the Committee of Parliament, on
May 15, which practically decided that no answer
which fell at all short of express submission should be
accepted as sufficient.

So far as Magdalen was concerned the process of
extracting answers took some time, and the answers
were seldom satisfactory. On May 3 thirteen Fellows
appeared in the President's Lodgings. Three of these
submitted : nine either declined to give an answer or
desired time : one, Abraham Forman, gave an answer
indirect, but decided : —

* Wilkinson has already been mentioned as Fellow of Magdalen
and Principal of Magdalen Hall. He is to be distinguished from
three other Wilkinsons, also of Magdalen Hall, who are sometimes
confused with him and with each other : (i) John Wilkinson, M.D.,
who was appointed Visitor in 1648 ; (2) Henry Wilkinson, sen.
(known as " Long Harry "), who was also one of the Visitors, and
was made Margaret Professor of Divinity and Canon of Christ
Church ; (3) Henry Wilkinson, jun. (known as " Dean Harry "),
who had been Dean of Magdalen Hall, and was now made Fellow
and Vice-President of Magdalen ; he also succeeded John Wilkinson
as Principal of the Hall.

JOHN WILKINSON 163

" I have taken an oath not to give an answer to any but
my own Visitor in my own College."

The Vice-President and Bursars, though summoned,
had not appeared, and a fresh summons failed to pro-
duce their attendance. On May 5 an order was issued
for the arrest of Mr. John Dale, sen., and Mr. Buncombe
(the former a Fellow, the latter the Steward), who had
been collecting rents, and had not paid them to
Dr. Wilkinson. The same day answers were received
from two Fellows, twelve Demies, four Clerks, a
Chorister, eight Commoners, and the Steward. The
only submission was from one of the Clerks. Seven
Demies, two Commoners, and the Steward refused ;
most of the others declined to give an answer, the
Commoners, with curious unanimity, alleging the
weakness of their own understanding as a reason. The
Chorister produced a long and elaborate reply, refusing
to submit,

"it the word Submit signify that the two Houses of
Parliament, without and against his most excellent
Majesty, have a lawful power to visit this University,
either by themselves or others."

This, like the mental incapacity of the Commoners, was
probably intended to annoy.

So, no doubt, was the answer of Anthony Chibnall,
the Bursar, when he appeared on May 12.

"Hee answers that he cannot submitt to the present
Visitors because they are Clergie men, which is contraiy to
a Statute of this present Parliament." *

* The reference is no doubt to the Act 16 Car. I. c. 27, which
prohibited persons in Holy Orders from exercising any temporal
authority by virtue of any commission.

164 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

He also declined to submit to Wilkinson as President,
saying that he was not elected or admitted according to
the Statutes of the College, and refused to deliver up
keys and books to him. The Visitors committed him
to the custody of the Provost-Marshal : but even so, he
continued to give them trouble, and on July 6 they
found it necessary to make an order : —

f ' That since Mr. Chibnall, formerly of Magdalen Colledge,
is put out of his Fellowship for his contempt of the
authority of Parliament, hee is thereby disabled from
receavinge any rents belonginge to the Colledge, and to
have nothinge to doe with anythinge of the aforesaid
Colledge. It is therefore ordered that all Tenants, Baileiffes,
Woodmen, Collectors and other officers belonginge to
Magdalen Colledge, be kept from cominge to Mr. Chib-
nall."*

During these proceedings, many members of the
College were absent from Oxford, and could not be
brought to the test of question and answer. But
against most of them it was possible, sooner or later, to
proceed for absence without leave, f or for contumacy
in not appearing. On one or other of these grounds a
good many were removed before the end of the year.

It is very difficult to ascertain the exact number of
those who submitted, or of those who were ejected. In
one or two cases there is reason to suspect a clerical
error in the Visitors1 Register, and the similarity of
surnames is sometimes a cause of doubt. But it would

* Chibnall was " enlarged," on giving sufficient security for his
appearance, in October. He was summoned to appear again in
December, but the result is not recorded.

f If they had leave of absence, it would be necessary to renew
it ; and this could not be done without at least indirect submission.

JOHN WILKINSON 165

seem that of the Fellows six certainly submitted* : one,
who was reported as absent in 1648, was still Fellow in
1649, and had therefore probably submitted ; one, who
did not submit, was nevertheless allowed to remain, and
continued Fellow till after the Restoration f; two, who
were of unsound mind, were removed from the list, but
continued to receive an allowance by way of pension.
Twenty-eight appear to have been expelled. J Of the
Demies, five appear to have certainly submitted, and at
any rate twenty-one to have been deprived. One of
these, however, was replaced by the Visitors. All the
Chaplains, all but three of the Clerks, and most, at any
rate, of the Choristers were deprived. § The Grammar
Master was deprived, and his place supplied by the
Usher, who submitted. The Natural Philosophy
Reader was also deprived ; and the same fate befell the
Steward. Of the " statutable " servants only one seems
to have kept his place ||; a second submitted, but was
removed before the end of the year. The greater part
of the non-foundation members whose names appear in

* In this estimate some are included as submitting, who at first
returned an answer reckoned as a non-submission, but seem to
have submitted later.

f This was Henry Clerke, afterwards President. He owed his
immunity to Dr. Reynolds, one of the Visitors. See Bloxam,
Register, vol. v. p. 184, where, however, the note confuses Dr.
Reynolds with his son.

$ Bloxam (Register, vol. ii. p. civ.) would add another name to the
list of the submitters, but this seems to be a mistake due to similarity
of names.

§ The lunatic Clerk was apparently allowed a pension.

|| This was the College Barber. His answer ("I submit to the
power of King and Parliament, and am willing to please Dr. Wilkin-
son in what I may ") should, according to the ruling of the Com-
mittee, have been regarded as non-submission. But perhaps the
offer to " please Dr. Wilkinson " atoned for any loyalty which might
lurk in the mention of the King.

166 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

the Visitors1 Register refused to submit ; but it is not
clear whether they were removed in consequence.

The vacant places on the foundation were rapidly
filled up by persons named by the Visitors. Few of the
new Fellows had been connected with the College.
Some came from Magdalen Hall, some from Cambridge,*
some from other Colleges in Oxford, and one from
"Harvard College, Cambridge, New England." In
their choice of Demies, the Visitors were not unmindful
of the claims of kindred. Two at least of the persons
chosen were sons, one a nephew, of members of the
electing body. As to the quality of the persons
selected, it may be said that they included some men of
real ability : Theophilus Gale, one of the Demies, Henry
Hickman, James Baron, Joshua Crosse, among the
Fellows were all men of mark in their time ; and several
others, though not so well known, were men of respect-
able attainments. For the moment, the prevailing tone
of the body was Presbyterian ; the Independent element
was strengthened by later elections.

The new-comers probably readily accepted the
" Negative oath" in November 1648, and the "Engage-
ment " in 1649 f ; nor is it likely that the majority of the
old members of the College who remained had any great
scruples about giving the pledges required; but as
Clerke, according to the account already cited, would
seem to have subscribed neither document, it is possible
that subscription was not enforced at Magdalen with all

* Henry Hickman had come from Cambridge to Magdalen Hall.

f The "Negative oath" denied connection with the King, his
Council, and Officers, and professed submission to Parliament ; the
"Engagement" professed fidelity to the Commonwealth, and
acknowledged the existing government without King or House of
Lords.

JOHN WILKINSON 167

the rigour that the Committee of Parliament would
have desired. No fresh expulsions from the College
seem to have resulted from the requirement of these
new submissions.

In the interval between the two, in May 1649,
Fairfax, Cromwell, and the other Parliamentary com-
manders who visited Oxford were entertained at
Magdalen. According to a tradition preserved by
Dr. Bloxam, the windows from the choir of the Chapel
were destroyed at this time by the troopers who came
in the train of these officers.* But it seems on the
whole more likely that their destruction took place at a
later time, in 1651, when there is a charge in the
accounts for new glass for the Chapel windows. Even
in the latter year, the destruction of " tokens of
monarchy " and " monuments of superstition " was less
thorough at Magdalen than Wood's account represents
it to have been throughout the University.! The
portraits of Charles I. and his Queen, now in the oriel
window of the Hall, were probably at this time in the
College,^ and were not destroyed. The glass of the
ante-chapel survived also, as well as the painted panels
of the choir stalls. Dr. Bloxam says, indeed,

" We may believe . . . that the interior of the Chapel
suffered all the injury that fanatical zeal could perpe-
trate : " §

but Evelyn's evidence may outweigh the supposition of

* Bloxam, Register, vol. ii. p. cvii., where a reference is made for
the story to the supplementary matter in Gutch's edition of Wood
(Colleges and Halls, p. 351).

f Annals, 1651.

J The portrait of Henrietta Maria bears the date of 1633.

§ Register, vol. ii. p. cviii.

168 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

a much later authority. His statement as to the
condition of the Chapel, when he saw it in 1654, is that
it was then

" in Pontifical order, the Altar only, I think, turned table-
wise ; and there was still the Double Organ, which
abomination, as now esteemed, was almost universally
abolished." *

As to the rest of the fabric, little change seems to
have been made, beyond the removal of some statues
regarded as superstitious. The entries in the accounts
relating to repairs seldom show where the work was
done ; but the total expenditure under this head between
1648 and 1660 is considerable. In the Walks, the
mounds of the earthworks were levelled, and planting
was carried out in several years. The Grove, however,
does not seem to have been replanted. On the whole,
in spite of Heylin^s charges,! there seems to be no
reason to think that the new occupants of the College,
in order to increase their individual share of its revenues,
were neglectful of the interests of the College itself. If
they " abolished the alms-basket, and suppressed many
gaudies and pie-gaudies," they gave pretty freely in
money to various applicants. J

A more questionable appropriation of College funds,
however, took place in July 1649, when a large sum of
money in old gold coins was discovered in a chest in the

* Diary, July 12, 1654. The organ was afterwards given ^o
Cromwell, who set it up in Hampton Court. It was brought back
to the College in 1660.

f Certamen Epistolare, p. 136.

£ Among those specified by name are " Parthenius abbot of Mt.
Sinai," " Mr. Casaubon, the son of Isaac," " Mr. James, son of Dr.
James formerly Librarian of the University," and "Paul Isaiah a
Jew,"

JOHN WILKINSON 169

muniment-room. This was the reserve fund, provided
by Waynflete for use in emergencies, and mentioned in
his Statutes. Since his days it had remained in store,
undisturbed, save when it was inspected and counted
from time to time by the College officers. The coins
were for the most part "old Edwards" (or "spur-
royals "), those in one bag being described as " gold
angels" in the early records of the countings.* This
money was now divided among the members of the
foundation. The President, John Wilkinson, received
one hundred pieces ; each actual Fellow had thirty- three,
and the remainder was apparently distributed among
the other members, including Choristers and servants. f
The whole sum distributed was probably of the value,
in current coin, of between ,^1400 and <£1500, each
" old Edward" bringing from IBs. 6d. to %0s.

The proceeding, as Wood says, was " generally dis-
tasted," and the members concerned seem to have been
called upon to give an account of it to the Committee
of Parliament, in 1650. According to Hickman they
explained to the Committee that the sum of <^?500 had
already been laid up in the treasury, and that they
hoped to receive from the Committee for Lincolnshire a

* Records are still preserved of countings in 1552, 1556, 1576, and
1585. The last two were at the Visitations of Horn and Cooper,
and the records are signed by the Visitors, as well as by the College
officers.

f Hickman states this to have been the case with the Choristers ;
one of the repayments made in 1659 was by the cook. In a paper
in Clark's Colleges of Oxford, I have done wrong to John Wilkinson
in representing him as the person who urged the division of the
money. That discredit is due to Henry Wilkinson ; John Wilkinson
at first opposed it, but afterwards consented. Accounts of the
matter are to be found in Wood (Annals, 1649), in Heylin's Examen
Historicum and Certamen Epistolare, and in Hickman's Defence of the
Fathers.

170 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

further sum of ^700 belonging to the College, which
would be laid up in like manner. Hickman's own
defence of the transaction is rather different. He
alleges that the character of the fund was unknown at
the time when it was divided ; that the College had, at
the audit of the year 1648, been ^1600 in debt, and
that few leases had been renewed, so that the Fellows
were " poore enough " ; that they supposed this money
to be "some mutuum"* out of which " they might pay
themselves."

This account seems rather unsatisfactory. Probably
few of those who divided the money knew the Founder's
Statute : but some of them were acquainted with it.
The nature of the hoard, and the records of former
countings placed in the bags containing it, might have
shown any one that it was not an ordinary fund. And
John Wilkinson himself, and those of the old Fellows
who had been Vice-Presidents, must have known the
character of the fund perfectly well. The "Liber
computi " of 1648 is not now to be found, so that the
statement as to the debt of the College cannot be
tested ; but that debt, if it existed, would have had a
claim against the fund, had it been an ordinary
"mutuum.r> The individual Fellows may be said to
have had a right to divide part of the fines received for
renewing leases, and any surplus income from corn-
rents, but clearly had no right to apply a " mutuum ""
to make good the lack of income from these sources for
purposes of division. Moreover, if the money was a
" mutuum " the sum ought to have been replaced at the

* That is to say, that it was a fund which could be used for
ordinary current expenditure, subject to future repayment from
revenue.

JOHN WILKINSON 171

end of 1649. But at the audit of that year, only ^509
was deposited in the treasury, while a sum of more than
,£800 was divided.

John Wilkinson seems to have laid it down that the
money should be replaced, and to have given directions
before his death for the repayment of his own share.
But these directions were not carried out. Some time
later, repayments were made by various persons who
had shared in the division : Joshua Crosse restored the
coins, Hickman, Gale, and others the value of the coins,
which they had received ; * and in 1659 a deposit of
sums thus restored was placed in the chest. After the
Restoration some further repayments were made, and
ultimately a large part of the sum was made good. Of
the original coins 265 " spur-royals " and 75 " angels "
were replaced in the chest.f No doubt many of those
concerned in the matter, though some of them were
slow in arriving at the second opinion, might fairly
enough have expressed their view of the case as Hickman
expresses his own :

" I thought when I tooke my share of the Golde I might
do it with a good conscience : but having since that con-
sidered the statute, I thought I could not keep it with a
good conscience."

The unfortunate discovery of the " spur- royals " is

* Hickman, in the appendix to his Defence of the Fathers, which
treats of the matter in answer to Heylin, speaks of himself as having
been a Demy at the time, and not responsible for what was done.
But his repayment, by its amount, seems to show that he had
received the share of a Fellow. He probably changed his status
between the finding and the actual division of the money.

f In 1789, by authority of the Visitor, most of these coins were
exchanged ; a few, preserved as relics, still remain in the chest in
the muniment-room.

172 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

the only event which marks the time of Wilkinson's
Presidency. Though Wood's account of him, as "an
illiterate, testy, old creature" who had "outlived all
the little learning he had " is exaggerated and unfair, it
is probably true enough that both as Visitor of the
University and as President of Magdalen he was little
more than an instrument in the hands of one or other
of his namesakes.* While he was Fellow of Magdalen
he had some reputation for scholarship and learning;
his government of Magdalen Hall had certainly not
been unsuccessful ; and he had been for many years a
leader of his party in Oxford. But when he was
appointed President, his health was failing; and his
death, which took place on January 2, 1650, was not
unexpected.

Henry Wilkinson, as Vice-President, summoned the
Fellows to elect a successor. But the election did not
take place. Thomas Goodwin, one of the chaplains to
the Council of State, was appointed to the vacant office
by Parliament on January 8, and a few days later the
College was authorised to hold an election to vacant
Fellowships, being thus released, to a certain extent,
from the hold of the Visitors. But in later orders of
the Visitors it seems to be assumed that some Fellow-
ships in the College, at least, were in their gift.

Goodwin had been a member of Christ's College and
afterwards Fellow of Catherine Hall at Cambridge,
where he had also been lecturer and vicar of Trinity
Church before he definitely joined the ranks of the
" separatists." He had spent some time in Holland,
and had acted for several years as the minister of an
Independent congregation in London. During his
* Wood, Annals, 1648.

THOMAS GOODWIN 173

residence in Oxford as President of Magdalen he was
one of the foremost members of the Independent party,
and as one of the Commission of Visitors had a large
share in the regulation of the University and its
Colleges. In this work he was perhaps less influential
than John Owen, whose position as Vice-Chancellor
gave him special authority, and whose general ability
was probably much greater than that of Goodwin ; but
in religious matters, apart from University discipline,
he was especially prominent. He was a frequent
preacher at S. Mary's, and held weekly meetings for
scholars in the Lodgings at Magdalen, which were not
limited to those of the Independent party.*

Possibly Goodwin was somewhat eccentric. He was
accustomed to wear a peculiar head -gear, which caused
him to be known by the name of "Nine-caps"; and
the story told by Addison of a candidate for a Demy-
ship, who found himself led into a dark room, and
confronted by a person " with half a dozen nightcaps
upon his head, and religious horror in his countenance,"
who demanded whether he was " of the number of the
elect,'" and required full particulars of his conversion,
suggests that Goodwin's zeal and earnestness were
greater than his discretion or his sense of the ludicrous. f
But he seems to haye been on the whole a capable
governor in the society over which he was placed. The
only sign which the Visitors' Register shows of any

* John Howe, at this time one of the chaplains of Magdalen,
when invited by Goodwin to join these meetings, had some doubts
about accepting the invitation, understanding that "they laid con-
siderable stress on some peculiarities which he loved not." But
he expressed his willingness to join, if he might be admitted " upon
catholic terms," and to this Goodwin readily assented.

t Spectator, No. 494.

174 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

serious difficulty in the College under his rule is
concerned with a matter which he could hardly have
foreseen or prevented.*

In the actual management of the College and its
inmates Goodwin no doubt was aided by the rules laid
down in 1653 by the Commission of Visitors. According
to their plan, all members of every College under the
degree of Bachelor of Arts were to be placed under the
guidance of Tutors. Every Tutor was to see his pupils
daily, to pray with them, to take account of their time,
and to take charge of their money. Bachelors of Arts
were also to report themselves to one or other of the
Tutors of their College, and to join in the meetings of
his pupils, but were free, subject to the approval of the
Head of the College, to choose the Tutor to whom they
would attach themselves. f The value of this system,
no doubt, depended very much on the persons by whom
it was worked ; but Wood, who is not usually favourable
to the Commission or its proceedings, gives a general
testimony that these orders " tended to religion, good
manners, and discipline."! At Magdalen, indeed, the
Visitors failed in some degree to produce the intended
effect of " nursing up of young men in their principles" ;
for a good many of those who were trained under these
rules " fell away " from the principles of Independency
or Presbyterianism to those of the Church of England.
But, for the time, the scheme worked smoothly, and the

* William Hooper, one of the two " distracted " Fellows, took it
into his head to " possesse himselfe of the place and rights of a
Senior Fellow," and occasioned "great disturbance of the good
government of the Colledge." He was " restrained," and appeased
by an increase to his allowance. (Register of the Visitation, p. 375.)

f Register of the Visitation, p. 359.

% Wood, Annals, p. 654 (ed. Gutch).

THOMAS GOODWIN 175

College seems to have been at peace within its own
bounds.

Some of its members, however, were actively engaged
in controversy. Hickman, in particular, earned on a
war of pamphlets with numerous adversaries, among
whom Peter Heylin and Thomas Pierce (one a former
Fellow, ejected from his prebend at Westminster, the
other one of the Fellows ejected in 1648) were promi-
nent. Nor did he lack adversaries in Oxford itself : an
incautious statement, made in the course of a disputa-
tion in the Schools, that "the Church of Rome, for
aught he knew, might be a true Church," brought upon
him the wrath of the more extreme members of his own
party, one of whom described, in forcible and picturesque
terms, his prospects in this world and the next, de-
claring that " the Pope should provide him with a
mitre, and the Devil with a frying-pan."*

On May 9, 1660 (the day before Charles II. was pro-
claimed in Oxford as King), Goodwin resigned his
office. Hickman, as Vice-President, issued a citation to
the Fellows to elect a new President ; but before the
day appointed, the House of Lords decreed that John
Oliver should at once be restored, f He took possession
of his place on May 22, a week before the King^s
return.

* Wood, Life and Times, i. 221.

f Oliver and some of the ejected Fellows had petitioned the
House of Lords. The case of the Fellows, whose places were occu-
pied, was referred to a committee : that of the President, whose
place was vacant, was dealt with at once. ,

CHAPTER XIII

JOHN OLIVER, THOMAS PIERCE
HENRY CLERKE, 1660-1687

JOHN Oliver, after his return, was named as a member,
both of the Commission of inquiry appointed by the
Chancellor, and of the second Commission appointed by
the King in July 1660, to visit the University with a
view to the restoration of the ejected members of the
various Colleges. In the proceedings of these bodies he
does not seem to have taken any very large share.

The method pursued by the second Commission is
thus described by Wood : —

"All Fellows and Scholars of each House that were
living unmarried they restored, ejecting then divers,
especially such that were factious or not fit to make Col-
legiates, notwithstanding they were statutably elected." *

In Colleges like Magdalen, where there had been a
large number of ejections in 1648, the probability was
that there would be a proportionately large number
of ejections in 1660 : for the policy of the Commission
seems to have been to leave the actual occupants in
possession wherever there were no former Fellows or
Scholars with a claim to be restored, but to make room
for all who had such a claim. At Magdalen seventeen
* Wood, Annals, 1660.

JOHN OLIVER 177

Fellows and eight Demies were replaced ; and although
some of these may have been accommodated in vacant
places, it is most likely that the ejections were of about
the same extent. How the selection was made is not
clear. Sometimes, perhaps, the unwillingness of an
occupant to remain under changed conditions may have
determined the question, sometimes the mode in which
entrance to the College had been obtained. For some
of the Demies now ejected room seems to have been
found in other places on the foundation ; but this could
not be done in all cases, even for those who might have
wished to remain. Of the Fellows, Hickman, and pos-
sibly one or two more, removed to Magdalen Hall.
Gale obtained an appointment as tutor to the sons of
Lord Wharton, and went abroad for a time.

The account which Wood gives of those who now
returned to the University probably applied to the
restored members of Magdalen as well as to others.

" As for the learning of those persons thus restored you
cannot expect that it should be much, because the most
part of them were forc'd in the intervall to gaine a bare
livelihood, and therefore so far from encr easing that know-
ledge they had, that they rather lost it." *

Their long absence from Oxford, following on the
disorganised state of things during the war, one may
suppose, would make it difficult for most of them to
adapt themselves anew to the conditions of College
life ; and it is not surprising to find that almost all the
restored Demies retired in the next year. One only
was elected to a Fellowship. In 1662 the last of the
number was removed by the President and officers,
* Wood's Life and Times, i. 360.

M

178 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

" eo quotf jam a multis annis aetatem excesserat a statutis
limitatam, praeterquam quod malis esset moribus, et telluris
in hoc Collegio pondus plane inutile." *

The restored Fellows had probably more stock of
learning than the Demies, who had almost all been
admitted after the outbreak of the war. But it was
not likely that they would live on the best of terms
with those whom they found in occupation. The
temper of some of their number is illustrated by what
Wood tells us, in speaking of the planting of trees in
the "Gravel Walk" in 1680. The walk had been
planted in 1657, but the trees were "caused to be plucked
up " by Abraham Forman and Edward Drope " because
planted in fanatick times." t Nor, it soon became evident,
could they entirely avoid quarrels among themselves.

While Oliver's life lasted, however, peace seems to
have been kept. Though in other Colleges the restoration
of the use of the Prayer-book and of surplices gave rise
to more or less serious strife, this does not seem to have
been the case at Magdalen. Tales were told, indeed, of
a "spectrum" which had appeared in the College,
" attired like a Bishop in his lawn sleeves," and of an
apparition of the devil which was seen in the cloisters
in a surplice. But no serious opposition was made ;

* The officers acting with the President were all Fellows restored
in 1660. The limitation of age had been lost sight of by the Com-
mission which restored the Demies, and had, indeed, been long
disregarded. This abuse, which had grown up with the practice
of electing Fellows, so far as might be, from the Demies, was
brought to an end by a decision of the Visitor in 1854. See Bloxam,
Preface to vol. vii. of Register.

f Wood's Life and Times, ii. 479. This notice fixes the date of the
planting of the trees which still remain between S. Swithun's
buildings and the High Street.

THOMAS PIERCE 179

indeed, some of those whom Wood calls " the interval
men " were zealous in favour of the old order.

Oliver did not long survive his restoration, and on
his death in October 1661, the King recommended as
his successor Dr. Thomas Pierce, who had been appointed
Reader in Theology the previous year. * Before the day
fixed for the election, a report reached the King that
his candidate was not acceptable to the College, and
especially unacceptable to the " interval men." A
second letter was therefore sent, pointing out that
Pierce's merits were such as might have secured ready
compliance with the King's desire.

" There should have been noe need of any other argu-
ment to engage your complyance than the desire we there
expressed to have it so. ... We have therefore thought
ourselves obliged by these our second letters to will and
require you not to faile to choose for your future President
the said Dr Pierce, or else you shall know what it is to
disrespect your King."

Pierce was accordingly elected. The usual forms
were observed, and at the first " scrutiny " he was named
by all but one of the Fellows present. Henry Parkhurst,
who had been Vice-President in 1648, had the next
largest number of votes, and the thirteen seniors, voting
as between Pierce and Parkhurst, unanimously chose

* He had married after his ejection in 1648, and could not be
restored to his Fellowship. Bloxam (Register, vol. ii. p. cxvii.) dates
his appointment as Reader in 1659. But this is a mistake due to
the fact that the page in the "Liber computi " of that year (in
which the name appears) has been corrected by the insertion of
names belonging to the following year, as a memorandum for use
in drawing up the account for 1660. Pierce was not at all likely
to have been chosen in 1659, when he was engaged in vigorous and
rather bitter controversy with the party in power.

180 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

Pierce.* Troubles began at once, and for the next ten
years the Vice-President's Register is a record of constant
disputes and appeals. Some of these concern matters
of a trivial sort ; others, while they originated in small
matters, grew to large dimensions. The cases are too
numerous and too intricate to be recorded here ; but
two of them perhaps deserve special mention.

Dr. Henry Yerbury,f one of the restored Fellows, at
a meeting for the election of officers on Christmas Eve
1662, made "a tedious invective" against Dr. Henry
Clerke, and was in consequence " put out of commons "
for a fortnight. He appealed to the Visitor^ who,
after hearing the case, delivered a solemn judgment
dismissing the appeal, and .requiring Yerbury to make
a submission, retracting his charges against Clerke, and
declaring that the penalty imposed on him had been
less than he deserved. Yerbury the next day tendered
to the Visitor a form of submission in writing, which
the Visitor considered insufficient, and rejected "with
great dislike."

Pierce now cited Yerbury to make his submission to
the President and Deans according to the Visitor's direc-
tion ; Yerbury produced two forms, both of which were
held insufficient, and Pierce and the College officers

" proceeded to the expulsion of Dr Yerbury, as not having
complyed with the Visitor's Injunction, and as being

* Parkhurst had not a clear majority of votes, so that in strict-
ness there should have been a second "scrutiny." Five other
candidates were named, four of them being Fellows at the time.
Of these two voted for themselves.

f He had taken the degree of M.D. at Padua after his expulsion,
and been admitted "ad eundem gradum " at Oxford. He seems
to have been an exceedingly quarrelsome person.

J George Morley was now Bishop of Winchester.

THOMAS PIERCE 181

perjur'd, in appealing to the Visitor from the President
and the Officers in causa poenae. But this expulsion of
Dr Yerbury upon the foresaid pretended reasons being
contradicted and declared to be null by the Visitor, the
whole Cause was brought to a hearing with Counsell on
both sides before the King, assisted with the Arch Bishop,
the Lord Chauncellor, and other Lords of his Counsell,
together with other Bishops and Judges both Civill and
Ecclesiasticall ; and after a full hearing decided and deter-
mined by a Sentence pronounced by the Lord Chauncellor,
in the King's name."

By this sentence Yerbury was restored to his Fellow-
ship, and Pierce (who had been unable to restrain his
love for writing pamphlets, and had published, or been
concerned in publishing, more than one. paper bearing
on the case) was ordered to make an apology to the
Visitor, in which he was to acknowledge

" that he hath treated him with much lesse respect and
observance than was due unto his person and dignity, and
hath further aggravated that injury in and by a scandalous
account or narrative which he, the said Dr Pierce, hath
culpably printed and published. His Majesty doth like-
wyse command him, the said Dr Pierce, to print nothing
hereafter upon that subject, or of like nature."

The second of these two principal disputes occurred
in 1669, and had its beginning in the election to a
vacant Fellowship. The King, who about this time
very frequently sent " recommendations " or " mandates "
in favour of particular candidates, had in this case
recommended two persons for election to the same
place. This being pointed out, he directed that the
first recommendation should hold good : but a minority

182 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

of the electors voted for the candidate named in the
second. After the election, a petition was sent to the
King, alleging that "the election was not statutably
managed," and that Pierce had influenced the votes of
some of the majority by threats. The King referred
the matter to the Visitor for inquiry, and he reported
in favour of the election. The King confirmed this
decision, and expressed his displeasure at the action of
the minority. The Visitor then addressed a letter to
the College, declaring Pierce innocent of the charges
made against him, condemning those who had made
the charges to pay the costs of the proceedings, and
requiring them to make a submission and apology to
the President. They desired time to draw up a form
of submission, apparently with a view to appealing to the
King against the Visitor. Morley thereupon required
an immediate submission, under pain of suspension, and
under the threat of expulsion if the submission of any
person was deferred beyond a certain day. Some delay
was caused by the absence of certain Fellows, and by
the Visitor's insisting that their submissions should be
made in person. But ultimately the submissions were
made, and the dispute ended.

In the sentence given in Yerbury's case, Morley had
been enjoined to hold a Visitation of the College in the
course of the next year. His Visitation began in 1664
and lasted several months. During its progress he
delivered a body of Injunctions, partly intended to
enforce the existing Statutes, partly to regulate their
working in details not laid down in the Statutes them-
selves.* With regard to the election of officers these

* Two points seem worth special mention here, (a) The lectures
of the Readers are mentioned as "jam collapsae " ; and rules are

HENRY CLERKE 183

Injunctions furnished new matter for debate and dissen-
sion, and were followed by letters explanatory, hortatory,
and minatory, on several occasions.

On the whole, while both Pierce and Morley seem to
have been really anxious to maintain order and to
secure the proper observance of the Statutes, they both
failed in the attempt. Pierce was somewhat arbitrary
in his methods, and was wanting in tact and judgment
at a time when the peculiar condition of the College
made these qualities absolutely necessary. When he
was in the right as to the main point at issue, he
generally managed to give unnecessary offence, and
often to put himself in the wrong, or to make it
possible to allege that he had done so. Morley "s pro-
ceedings also were well intentioned, but his rescripts
were often argumentative, and in his anxiety to support
the President's authority he sometimes allowed himself
to appear in the light of a partisan. This tended to
weaken his authority, which suffered also from the
frequent intervention of the King in the affairs of the
College.

At last, to the relief of all parties, Pierce expressed a
wish to retire. The King was prepared to nominate
him as Dean of Salisbury ; but he wished to name his
own successor at Magdalen, by obtaining from the King
a " mandate " for his election. Dr. Henry Clerke, the
person thus named, was not a persona grata to the
Fellows, to whom his nomination was " as welcome as a

laid down for their regular delivery, (b) The perennial question
of the " poor scholars " appears once more, and permission is given
to all Doctors, Masters of Arts, and Bachelors of Law to retain
" poor scholars " as servitors, provided that they lodge " caution "
for those whom they employ.

184 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

storm to a fleet." * They seem to have represented that
if they proceeded to an election in the ordinary way
they would be bound to choose the person whom they
considered best fitted for the office of President, and
that this would certainly not be Clerke. Pierce, on the
other hand, would not execute his resignation without
some security that Clerke would succeed him : and for
a time the negotiations halted.t Ultimately the King
sent a mandate requiring the Fellows to elect and admit
Clerke immediately on Piercers resignation. Pierce
resigned on March 4, 1672, and on the next day
Clerke was elected, not by the statutable method, but
by the viva voce declaration of the Fellows, many of
those who named him adding that they did so in obedi-
ence to the King's command.^

Peter Mew's comment is as follows : —

" So pleasant an election, I think, was never heard of.
To me who have seen all the votes it looks like a reproba-
tion^ . . . There are so many absurdities, nullities, &c.,

* This is the phrase of Peter Mew, then President of S. John's,
some of whose letters, cited in the Calendar of State Papers (Domestic,
1672), throw some light on the negotiations for Pierce's retirement.
From other documents mentioned in the Calendar (p. 201), it appears
that Pierce was commonly believed to have received a large sum
from Clerke in connection with the matter.

f While they were going on, Pierce was absent from Oxford, and
serious difficulty was caused by his failure to hold the election
of College officers at the proper time. The Visitor directed the
senior Fellow to hold the election, and admit the new officers, and
this was done, not at all to the satisfaction of Pierce.

+ This sort of viva voce election (in which the electors were not
sworn) was adopted about this time in some at least of the many
cases in which Demies and Fellows were elected in obedience to the
King's letters.

§ This impression would probably be shared by any one who
reads the notary's account of the proceedings embodied in the letter
of the College presenting Clerke to the Visitor.

HENRY CLERKE 185

committed in this election, as I am confident want all
manner of precedent, and it is hoped may never be
imitated. . . . Well, he [Pierce] is gone, and his successor
comes in on the greatest advantage that ever man did, for
if he manages himself but tolerably well, he will deceive
the expectation of the whole University, which I hope he
may."

Clerke, as the Vice-President's Register states, " a
Domino Visitatore comprobatus vel praefectus est
Martii Svc." He was at the time of his . admission a
layman,* but was soon afterwards ordained Deacon and
Priest. According to Wood, he was " lazy and idle," and
content to " let the College rule itself.11 1 To a certain
extent, at least, the latter part of the statement seems
to be true. He took, however, a good deal of pains in
the management of its business affairs, which he prob-
ably understood better than Pierce : he would appear
to have aimed at preserving peace ; and on the whole
there seems to be some truth in the claim which his
epitaph makes for him, that he restored to the College
"pacem diu desideratam." But if letting the College
" rule itself," and letting its members follow their own
devices, was the easiest way of securing quiet, at least
for himself, it was not the surest way of promoting
study or encouraging learning. Though in a different
way, the College probably suffered as much from
Clerke's "laziness" as it had suffered from the fussy
activity of his predecessor.

One reproach, which seems to have been commonly
made against the society at this time, as sometimes in

* He was a Doctor of Medicine, having held one of the Medical
Fellowships, which he had vacated by marriage some years before.
He was now a widower.

t Life and Times, ii. 243.

186 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

earlier days, was that of corruption in elections. This
had been one of the abuses censured by Cooper.
During the "interval," if we may trust Wood, the
reproach was made again*; but Magdalen is not men-
tioned by name in the orders of the Parliamentary
Visitors as one of the Colleges where the abuse
flourished. Hickman, in his defence of the plunder of
the " spur-royals," suggests that Heylin had received
money for the resignation of his Fellowship, and
mentions a bequest made to the College by a former
Fellow, " in way of restitution " for a sum so received. f
In 1674 Humphrey Prideaux, writing of Morley's
Visitation of his Oxford Colleges, begun in that year,
says that one of the articles of inquiry was " whether
any buy or sell places," J and expresses a doubt whether
the Visitor will succeed in rectifying " this abuse which
is crept in at Magdalen's and New College " ; and later
on, in 1688, the abuse is spoken of as a thing recently
notorious. § Before this latter date, however, the
College itself, with the approval of the Visitor, had
taken steps to prevent the evils arising from what
Lyford, in his will already referred to, calls " the corrupt
custom " of his own day. || The President and Fellows
joined in a declaration, agreeing to rules devised for this

* Wood, Annals, 1657.

f William Lyford, Fellow 1620-33. He left £120 to found an
exhibition for " a godly poor scholar."

J Prideaux' Letters to John Ellis, p. 2.

§ Johnston, King's Visitatorial Power Asserted, p. 341.

|| The form which the transaction seems generally to have taken
was that of a payment to the outgoing Fellow or Demy, who
resigned at a time convenient to the person making the payment,
and whose recommendation of a successor was allowed to have
weight in the election.

HENRY CLERKE 187

end, which were to be signed by every Fellow on his
admission.*

So far as Morley's second set of Injunctions, delivered
at his Visitation in 1674, may be taken as evidence on
the subject, his commissaries must have been satisfied
by the answers given to their question ; for the Injunc-
tions contain no allusion at all to the subject. The
points on which they lay stress are of a different kind :
the abuses which he condemns with the greatest vigour
are the employment of women in the service of the
College, contrary to the Statutes of the Founder, and
the keeping of " a multitude of dogs " within the walls.
On both these points he lays down stringent directions,
in accordance with the ordinances of the Founder :

" quibus collegium suum aut claustrum foemineum canumve
latibulum fieri expresse prohibuit."

Not many events occurred in the time of Clerke's
Presidentship of a kind to disturb the ordinary routine
of the College. An attempt to assert the right,
which the society believed itself to possess, of nominat-
iug the Principal of Magdalen Hall, was proposed in
1681, but abandoned by the advice of Morley ; the
Fellows were anxious to proceed, and elected one of
their own number to the vacant office ; but Clerke, who
had been absent from Oxford while the preliminary
steps were being taken, refused to sanction further
action, and the matter dropped for a time.

In 1684 Thomas Bay ley was chosen Divinity Reader
Thomas Smith, who claimed a right to the place in
virtue of his seniority, appealed to the Visitor, who

* The declaration is still signed by every one admitted actual
Fellow.

188 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

quashed the election, and ordered the electors to
choose Smith.* They appealed to the King in
Council, and a day was appointed for hearing the case ;
but Morley died before a decision was given, and his
successor, Peter Mew, confirmed the original election.
The question of costs remained unsettled, and continued
in dispute for some time.

While this controversy was still disturbing the College,
some of its members prepared to take part in more
serious strife elsewhere. On the occasion of Monmouth's
rebellion, in 1685, the University raised a force in
support of the King. One of the foot companies,
recruited apparently from Magdalen, Merton, and
University Colleges, was commanded by Francis Bagshaw,
Fellow of Magdalen. No service, however, beyond that
of watching certain roads, was required of the " Univer-
sity militia," and Bagshaw's company was not employed
at all.|

During the time of Pierce and Clerke no great addi-
tions were made to the buildings, but some changes
were made in the existing fabric. The ancient Chapel
of S. John was altered and converted into " chambers "
in 1665 and the following year, and the old vestry of
the College Chapel, which had probably, like the Chapel
of S. John, been treated as a lumber-room, became the
Common-room of the Fellows. The exact date of this

* Thomas Smith was one of the few members of the College at
this time who were at all distinguished for learning. He was in this
respect well fitted for the post, but he appears to have been some-
what unpopular with his contemporaries, with whom he probably
had few tastes in common.

f The colours of this company were " quarterly sable and argent,
three crowns or; on a canton argent a cross gules." The other
companies bore similar colours, differing only in the number of
crowns, or in the treatment of the " canton of S. George."

HENRY CLERKE 189

last change is unknown. An entry in the accounts of
1674 suggests that it may have been made in that year;
but it is possible that the " camera com munis " there
referred to was part of the building mentioned in the
same entry.* The institution of a " common-room "
was certainly earlier, as it is mentioned in the Vice-
President's Register as already existing in January
1663. It would seem that Magdalen was one of the
first Colleges to imitate in this matter the example set
by Merton in 1661.

In the Chapel not much was done in the way either
of repairs or of decoration, a fact which confirms the
impression that but little had been done in the way of
destruction during " the interval." The east wall, no
doubt, had suffered more than the rest of the interior.
In 1662 it was plastered over and whitewashed, and
soon afterwards Isaac Fuller was employed in paint-
ing its upper portion, the subject of his work being the
Last Judgment. The lower part of the wall was
covered by a hanging of blue cloth, painted with a
representation of the Last Supper.f The painting on

* " Conficientibus et instruentibus cameram communem et aedi-
ficium in sphaeristerio 126" i8 3d."

f Evelyn (Diary, August 25, 1664) speaks of the painting " on
blue cloth in chiaro oscuro" as the work of "one Greenborough."
Richard Greenbury (the artist of the ante-chapel windows) had a
patent in 1636 for a process of painting on cloth, and it is possible
that this hanging was part of the work done by him in Frewen's
time. But it is hardly likely that it would have survived, and
Mundy does not mention it as part of the decoration in 1639.
There is no record of a payment to any artist named Greenbury or
Greenborough after Frewen's time. Most probably Evelyn was
misinformed, and this work as well as the wall-painting was exe-
cuted by Fuller, who painted a very similar hanging about this time
for the chapel of Wadham. (See Jackson's Wadham College, p. 156.)
He received from Magdalen in the years 1664-7 upwards of £300.

190 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

the wall was described some years later by Addison in a
Latin poem.* The organ, after its return from Hampton
Court, was several times repaired at considerable
expense, and in 1686 a plan for its improvement was
agreed upon, by which it was to be made " an extra-
ordinary good instrument."" The scheme, however, was
postponed.!

The first mention of " chimes " in the tower occurs
in the accounts of 1661 ; after that date there is for
many years a charge for the care of the machinery.
As there is no charge for providing it, it may be con-
jectured that the "chimes " were a gift to the College,
possibly bestowed to commemorate the Restoration.

The Grove and Walks are the subjects of a good
many entries in the accounts during this period. In
1660 two hundred " aceres majores" (probably syca-
mores) were planted in the Grove, and some elms " ad
portas Collegii." The latter may perhaps have been
in place of the trees rooted out by Abraham Forman in
his indignation against fanatics. If so, they must also
have been removed before 1680. The process of re-
planting the Grove and Walks seems to have been
carried out gradually ; there are several records of
planting in both places between 1660 and 1680, the
year when the elms now in the " Gravel Walk " were
planted. In 1682 the Vice-President's Register records

* Resurrectio delineata ad altare Collegii Magdalenensis. In the third
of the editions of this poem (with an English version), published in
1718, there is an engraving by M. Burghers, showing the arrange-
ment of the east end of the Chapel.

f The organist during a large part of this period was Benjamin
Rogers, one of the most distinguished among the early occupants
of this post. For his career during his connection with the College,
see Bloxam, Register, ii. 192-203.

HENRY CLERKE 191

the remaking of " the old walk by the stream leading
towards S. Clement's bridge," probably the part of the
Walk on the east side of the meadow, which had fallen
into decay.*

The time of quietness which the College enjoyed
under Clerke lasted just fifteen years. His death,
which took place on March 24, 1687, when he was
visiting his daughter in Lancashire, was the beginning
of the most stormy days of its history.

* The part of the Walk known as " Dover pier " was repaired in
more than one year. In 1677 it is mentioned in the accounts
as "Dover's peer," a form of the name which supports the view
already expressed as to its origin.

CHAPTER XIV

THE CONTEST WITH JAMES II., 1687-8

WHEN Clerked death was made known, it seems to
have been assumed, both in the College and elsewhere,
that James II. would follow the example set by his
brother in the case of the last two Presidents, and " re-
commend " a candidate for the vacant office. The
appointments recently made by the King, and especially
that of Massey to the Deanery of Christ Church, gave
sufficient ground for alarm as to the choice which he
might make. His intention was soon made known.
Dr. Younger, one of the senior Fellows, who was
residing in London as Chaplain to the Princess Anne,
received a private message from Clerke's daughter, in-
forming him of the President's death, some days before
the formal notice reached the Vice-President in Oxford.
The object was, no doubt, to enable Younger to make
interest for himself before the fact of the vacancy
became generally known. He, however, passed on the
chance to Thomas Smith, who also happened to be in
London ; and Smith endeavoured to obtain the King's
support through the influence of Parker, the Bishop of
Oxford.* Parker told him, after some inquiries, that

* It was at this time reported in London that Parker was himself
likely to be recommended. But Parker told Smith that he was not
a competitor.

i

THE CONTEST WITH JAMES II. 193

" the King expected that the person he recommended
should be favourable to his religion,'1 and sounded
Smith as to the extent to which he was prepared to go.
Smith's reply, however, did not come up to the required
standard ; and he therefore withdrew from his candida-
ture.

In the meantime, the Vice-President, Dr. Charles
Aldworth, and the Fellows in residence had received
notice of the vacancy, and fixed April 13 as the day
of election.* At .the same time they sent a letter to
the Visitor, asking for his advice and assistance, and
begging him to support them in an election according
to their Statutes. This last request was perhaps
intended to suggest that Mew should use his influence
to prevent the issue of any " mandate " from the
King. Mew replied at once, urging the strict observ-
ance of the Statutes, and suggesting, as a person duly
qualified for election, Baptist Levinz, the Bishop of
Man. Soon after a rumour reached the College that
the King had already given a " mandate " and that the
person he had chosen to recommend was Anthony
Farmer.

This news was received with something like dismay.
The candidate whom the College were bidden to elect
was known to them, and known to have no qualification
for the office. His connection with Magdalen was of
less than two years' standing, but had lasted long
enough to make it clear that the College had made a
mistake in admitting him.t He had been found to be

* The fifteenth was the last day allowed by the Statutes, a fact
which it is important to bear in mind.

t He had been a Scholar of Trinity College, Cambridge, and in
1683 had migrated to Oxford as a graduate, and entered at
Magdalen Hall. After some disagreements there, he had been

194 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

quarrelsome, drunken, and disreputable ; and though
the Fellows probably did not yet know all that they
afterwards proved against him, they knew quite enough
to satisfy them of his unfitness to be their head. The
quality which had no doubt recommended him to the
King's favour was his reputed inclination to Romanism :
but his reputation in this matter, as he himself alleged,
was the result of a pretence. He was known to have
declared

" that the report of his being a Papist was false ; but that
he was willing to be thought so, because it might do him a
kindness."

That the King should have recommended such a man,
in full knowledge of his character, as one of whose
" piety, loyalty, and learning " he was " well satisfied,1'
is incredible.

So it appeared to the Fellows, who hoped that on
better information the " mandate " might be withdrawn.
Acting on the Visitor's advice, they prepared an address
to the King, stating that they had been " credibly in-
formed " that a " mandate " had been granted in favour
of Farmer, representing that he was " a person in several
respects uncapable," and praying that the King would
either leave them free to elect according to their Statutes,
or would name " such a person who may be more ser-
viceable" to himself and the College. Mew himself
wrote a letter to Sunderland, which he sent to the
Fellows to be transmitted with their address. In this
he pointed out that Farmer was ineligible by the

allowed to migrate again, and to place his name on the books
of Magdalen College, which he entered in 1685. He had never
been Fellow either of Magdalen or New College, and was therefore
not qualified for election*

THE CONTEST WITH JAMES II. 195

Statutes of the College, and expressed his hope that the
King would leave the College free to elect. As to
Farmer's personal character Mew said nothing ; nor was
the address of the Fellows explicit on this point, though
its wording might have suggested some further inquiry.

The King was not easily turned from his purpose, and
it may be that the address had no effect upon him ;
but there is some reason to doubt whether it ever
reached him at all. It was delivered to Sunderland on
April 10, by Thomas Smith and Francis Bagshaw ; they
were told that they might look for an answer on the
12th, but on that day were put off till the 13th, the
day fixed for the election in Oxford. On the 13th they
were informed " that the King had sent his letter to the
College, and that he expected to be obeyed."

The " mandate " had been delivered to Aldworth on
April 11, by Robert Charnock, one of the Fellows.*
Aldworth made it known to the Fellows then in Oxford,
but it was agreed to take no action till the 13th. At
the meeting on that day, as no answer had come from
the King, an adjournment was made till the 14th, and
on the 14th a further adjournment was made till the
next day, in the hope that before the last possible
moment some reply to the address might be received.
Late in the evening of the 14th, Thomas Smith re-
turned to College, bringing the answer given to Bag-
shaw and himself.

On the 15th the Fellows met in the Chapel. Smith
formally reported the King's reply, and advised that a
new petition should be presented, setting forth more
fully the objections to Farmer. Aldworth supported

* Charnock was a convert to Romanism, who had been admitted
Fellow in 1686, in obedience to the King's " mandate."

196 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

this proposal, and put it to the vote, but a large
majority were in favour of proceeding to an election at
once.* Aldworth then inquired whether they would
proceed to an election viva voce (as in Clerke's case), or
by the statutable method of " scrutiny." This question
gave rise to some " hot debates,"" but only three voted
for electing viva voce, and it was resolved to proceed
according to the Statute.f

The usual course was therefore followed. The
Eucharist was celebrated; all (except Charnock and
Thompson, who withdrew) received the Sacrament ; the
Statutes relating to the election were read, and the
scrutators and the other electors (Charnock and Thomp-
son, who refused the oath, excepted) were duly sworn.
The first "scrutiny" was not decisive; at the second
two of the Fellows, John Hough and Edward Maynard,
were nominated by a majority of the voters. The
thirteen seniors present were sworn to choose between
these two; Hough, who received eleven votes, was
declared elected, and Maynard was appointed to present
him to the Visitor. Charnock and Thompson then
declared, viva voce, that they voted for Anthony
Farmer, in obedience to the King's letter. J

* Four only (Aldworth, Thomas Smith, and the two senior
Fellows, Drs. Fairfax and Pudsey) voted for a new petition. This
course, if adopted, would have left the matter in the King's hands,
according to the precedent furnished by Bond's case, since the
election could not have been made within the time required by
Statute.

t Aldworth Charnock, and Jasper Thompson, "one of the Band
of Pensioners at Whitehall," were for an election viva voce. Thomas
Smith again declared that he was in favour of a new petition, and
against proceeding to an election at all.

J The letter to the Visitor, unlike most earlier instruments of the
same nature, does not give the details of the voting, and it is not

THE CONTEST WITH JAMES II. 197

Maynard and Hough reached Farnham the next
morning, and Mew, telling them " that he admired their
courage,11 admitted Hough as President without delay.
They returned to Oxford on the 17th, when Hough
presented the Visitor's confirmation of the election, and
was again sworn and installed, and took possession of
the Lodgings. On the same day the Visitor received
from Sunderland a letter with an order from the King
not to admit Hough as President, but replied that the
admission had already taken place.

The new President and several of the Fellows now
sent an address to the Duke of Ormond,* as Chancellor
of the University, begging him to represent their case
favourably to the King, and to set before him " the true
reason and necessity " of their action. A few days later,
in reply to a letter from Sunderland, the Vice-President
and Fellows forwarded their own statement of the case.
They lay stress on the fact that Farmer was not quali-
fied for election, and allege that

"they did not imagine it was, or could be, His Majesty's
pleasure that they should act so directly against the express
words of their Statutes, to which they are strictly and
positively sworn. But they did humbly conceive they were
bound in duty to believe that His Majesty had been mis-
informed in the character and capacity of Mr. Farmer, and
therefore upon the 15th of April (the last of those days
within which they are confined to finish the election) they
proceeded to a choice, and having first received the Blessed

known what other candidates were mentioned in the first and
second " scrutinies." Baptist Levinz, it seems, had refused to be
nominated. In the final " scrutiny " Hough and Thomas Smith voted
for Maynard. The letter takes no notice of the protestation of
Charnock and Thompson.
* Hough was one of the Duke of Ormond's chaplains.

198 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

Eucharist, and taken an oath as the Founder enjoins to
choose a person so qualified as is there specified, they did
elect the Rev. Mr. John Hough, Bachelor in Divinity, who
is a person every way qualified by the Statutes of the said
College."

In reference to the clause of the King's " mandate "
dispensing with all provisions in the Statute which
might stand in the way of Farmer's election, they point
out that

" there is an express clause in that oath, which every man
takes when he is admitted Fellow of the College, wherein
he swears, neither to procure, accept, or make use of, any
dispensation from his oath or any part thereof, by whom-
soever procured, or by what authority soever granted."

They state further, that former elections in obedience
to the King's letters have been always

" in such cases where the persons recommended have been
every way qualified for this office by their Statutes, in
which cases they always have been, and ever will be, ready
to comply with His Majesty's pleasure, it not being without
unspeakable regret that they disobey the least of his com-
mands . . . neither can anything more deeply affect and
grieve their souls than when they find themselves reduced
to this unfortunate necessity of either disobeying his will
or violating their consciences by a notorious perjury."

This answer, however, did not satisfy the King, and
a month later, on May 28, the Vice-President and
Fellows were cited to appear before the Ecclesiastical
Commission, on complaint that they had disregarded
the King's mandate. They appeared accordingly by
their delegates, five of whom gave in a defence, which

THE CONTEST WITH JAMES II. 199

in substance agreed with their previous answer to
Sunderland.* The sixth delegate, Henry Fairfax, did
not sign this defence, but took a line of his own. He
alleged that the case was not ecclesiastical, and that if
the Fellows were to be cited to an Ecclesiastical Court,
they should have been served with a libel of the articles
against them. This led to an altercation with Jeffreys,
who was President of the Commission. At a later
sitting of the Court, on June 22, the delegates presented
reasons which " had induced them to believe " that
Farmer's character was such as to make him unfit for
election. The Court, before inquiring into the truth of
these allegations, declared Hough's election null, and
suspended Aid worth from the office of Vice-President,
and Fairfax from his Fellowship.

Farmer attempted to answer the charges made
against him, and produced a plausible reply; but his
case broke down hopelessly when witnesses were
examined. The College proved against him more than
they had alleged, and Jeffreys "told Farmer that that
Court looked on him as a very bad man." It was
clearly impossible for the King, in the face of these
facts, to persist in his nomination, and he found a new
candidate elsewhere.

The person now put forward was Samuel Parker, the
Bishop of Oxford. He was not qualified, in that he
had never been Fellow of Magdalen or New College ; f

* Two versions of their defence are extant, one printed by John-
ston, the other in some copies of the Impartial Relation : the former
is probably that actually presented. The other raises questions as
to the jurisdiction of the Commissioners and the freehold rights
acquired by Hough. It was perhaps drawn up by Fairfax.

f He had matriculated at Wadham in 1657, but migrated to
Trinity after taking the degree of B.A.

200 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

but this point was not now urged against him by the
Fellows, who were not called upon by the new " man-
date" to elect, but to admit, the King^s nominee.
Dr. Pudsey, as Senior Fellow, received, on August 27, a
letter from Sunderland, and also a letter from Parker,
with the " mandate." He replied to both the next day
on behalf of the Fellows, that they considered the place
of the President to be full.*

A week later, on September 4, the Fellows were
summoned to attend the King at Christ Church, and
received from him an angry reprimand. He refused to
hear any defence of their conduct, or to receive the
petition which they offered, bidding them to go at once
to their Chapel and elect the Bishop of Oxford forth-
with, or they should "know what it is to feel the
weight of a King's hand." The result was not quite
what he expected. They met in the Chapel, Dr.
Pudsey presiding, and, with two exceptions,! agreed in
the reply that it did not lie in their power to do what
the King required. This answer was at once reported
to Sunderland, who told them that it was " very
unsatisfactory." They delivered to Sunderland also a
humble address to the King, protesting their loyalty
and readiness to obey him in any matter which was not
a violation of their conscience.

This address Sunderland understood to mean that if
the King by his own authority constituted Parker
President they would receive and obey him, but that

* This answer, of course, implied that they held Hough's election
to be valid, and ignored the sentence of the Ecclesiastical Commis-
sion, by which it was declared void.

t The exceptions were Charnock, who declared himself ready to
obey, and Henry Dobson, who was " ready to obey to the utmost
of his power." Twenty-one Fellows were present at the meeting.

THE CONTEST WITH JAMES II. 201

they would not themselves take any active part in his
election or admission. This impression was perhaps
produced by William Penn, who now undertook some
negotiations with the Fellows, apparently with the
view of bringing about an agreement by which the
Fellows should cease to recognise Hough, and leave the
way open for the King to place Parker at their head.
In conversations and anonymous letters it was suggested
to them that if they did not consent to this course, the
corporation would be dissolved under a quo warranto,
and the King would be enabled to deal as he chose with
its lands and revenues. No definite proposals were
made, and Penn seems at last to have been convinced
that an agreement was impossible. Hough's comment
upon the negotiations, such as they were, after an inter-
view with Penn, on October 9, is :

" In short, I see that it is resolved that the papists must
have our College, and I think all that we have to do is, to
let the world see that they take it from us, and that we do
not give it up."

The King now " resolved upon sending down certain
local Visitors." Cartwright, the Bishop of Chester,
Wright, the Chief Justice of the King's Bench, and
Jenner, one of the Barons of the Exchequer, were added
to the Ecclesiastical Commission, with special power to
visit the College. A citation to Hough, " the pretended
President," and all the members of the College to attend
a Visitation on October 21 was issued, and the Visitors
set out for Oxford, after receiving personal instructions
from the King.* The citation was received at Oxford

* The nature of these instructions may be guessed from the
statement made by the King to Dr. Charles Hedges, whom he

MAGDALEN COLLEGE

only the day before the Visitors arrived, and two days
before the time appointed for the Visitation. But in
spite of this short notice a large number of the Fellows
were present on the 21st, while some of the absentees
had been able to send excuses for their non-attendance.
The proceedings began in the Hall, where Cartwright,
who presided, made an oration to the College, and
adjourned till the afternoon, when Hough declared, on
behalf of himself, and of the majority of the Fellows,
that they submitted to the Visitation " so far as it is
consistent with the laws of the land and the Statutes of
the College and no further." Wright replied that the
Commission must not be supposed to act contrary to
the laws of the land, and that the King had dispensed
with the Statutes. Some discussion as to the powers of
the King and of Parliament to suspend or alter Statutes
followed. The other points raised were the questions
why Hough had not obeyed the sentence of the Com-
missioners (to which he replied that, though he had
heard of the sentence, it had not been formally intimated
to him, and had been passed without his being cited or
heard) — as to the number of Presidents formerly elected
in obedience to Royal " mandates " — and as to the reason
why the College, after petitioning the King, had pro-
ceeded to an election, seeing that the King's mandate
to elect Farmer implied a prohibition to elect any other
person. The Commissioners required the production
of certain records, and adj ourned till the next day.

appointed to act as his counsel in the Visitation, that the object
was " to turn out " not only Hough, but all the Fellows. Hedges,
who told the King that he believed Hough's election to be valid,
endeavoured to excuse himself from appointment ; he seems through-
out the Visitation to have acted on the whole in a way friendly to
the College, of which he was himself a member.

THE CONTEST WITH JAMES II.

On the 22nd they met in the Fellows' Common-
room, where the rest of their proceedings took place ;
and others being ordered to withdraw, Hough was
summoned alone. He was called upon to submit to
the sentence declaring his election null ; but this he
refused to do, on the ground that he had never been
cited before the Commission, that no inquiry had been
made into the legality of his election, and that having
been duly elected and admitted, he was possessed of a
freehold of which he could not be deprived except by
due course of law or on being shown to be incapacitated
under the Statutes of the College. Being asked
whether he would surrender the keys and give up
possession of the Lodgings to the President appointed
by the King, he refused ; and the Visitors, declaring
him contumacious, ordered that his name should be
struck out of the College books.

Dr. Fairfax, who had not appeared the previous day,
was next called, and alleged as a reason for his absence
that he had been suspended : he was asked (after some
discussion as to his suspension) whether he would admit
Parker as President : * he replied that he was suspended ;
and being asked whether, if his suspension were relaxed,
he would submit to Parker, he said that he could not
do so. The other Fellows were called, and asked
whether they would admit Parker: Dr. Pudsey (the
next in seniority to Fairfax) was willing to be present,
but would not act : Thomas Smith would go no further
than to say that he would not oppose Parker's admis-
sion. The rest of the Fellows (Charnock excepted)

* Aldworth being suspended from the Vice-Presidentship, it would
have been the Senior Fellow's duty to administer the President's
oath.

204 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

answered that Hough was duly elected President, and
that they could not admit another.

At this point Hough appeared and delivered his
protest against the sentence pronounced earlier in the
day:

" Upon which the strangers and young scholars in the
room gave a Hum, which so incensed their Lordships that
notwithstanding all the protestations that the President
and Fellows could make . . . the Lord Chief Justice was
not to be pacified." *

The " mandate " for Parker's admission was addressed
to the College, and not to the Visitors : as the College
would not act upon it, matters were at a standstill ;
and the Commissioners adjourned the Visitation to
October 25, applying for a fresh " mandate,1' which they
hoped to receive in the meantime. They reported to
the King that they expected a submission from the
College at their next sittings.

On the 25th Drs. Fairfax and Stafford offered an
answer to the Commissioners' statement that "a
mandate implied an inhibition," which Stafford after-
wards withdrew. The new " mandate " having arrived,
the Commissioners proceeded themselves to admit
Parker to the President's place, by proxy, breaking
open the Lodgings to give his representative possession.
The Fellows, except Charnock, refused to assist or to
be present.

* Hough was bound over to appear in the King's Bench to answer
or this contempt. A complaint was also made to the Vice-
Chancellor, who issued " a diploma against humming," admonishing
all scholars " ut ab omnibus illiberalibus dicteriis, sannis, pedum
supplosione, male feriatorum et turbinum cachinno, screatu,
clamore, et murmure airpovSiovfoy penitus abstineant."

THE CONTEST WITH JAMES II. 205

To the question now put to them, whether they
would submit to Parker as President, Fairfax answered
that he would not. Thomas Smith would submit to
him "in licitis et honestis"; twenty-one others were
ready to submit " so far as is lawful and agreeable to
the Statutes of the College "*; and with this answer
the other members of the foundation present agreed.
The under-porter, Robert Gardiner, refused. He was
deprived of his office, and Fairfax was expelled.

On the 26th and 27th the Commissioners, while
waiting for instructions from the King, made some
inquiry as to the application by the College of bene-
factions held in trust for charity, and as to the alleged
neglect of statutable obligations in like matters. The
Fellows presented answers on these points which were
declared satisfactory. A petition from Benjamin
Rogers against his removal from the place of Organist,
which had taken place in the previous year, was heard
and dismissed.

The instructions, when they came, expressed the
King^s satisfaction at the expulsion of Hough and
Fairfax, but declared the submission which had been
made by the rest too little. The King required an
address from the Fellows, asking pardon for their
offences, and acknowledging the jurisdiction of the
Commission and the justice of its whole proceedings in
the case. He also nominated persons for admission to
vacant Fellowships. The Commissioners, who had
already declared themselves satisfied with the sub-

* The answer at first added " and no way prejudicial to the right
of Dr. Hough." These words, however, the Fellows consented to
omit on the assurance of Wright and Jenner that the words were
not material.

206 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

mission, and knew, as Jenner says, that the Fellows
would refuse that now demanded, were in rather an
awkward position. They told the Fellows what the
King required, and allowed them to draw up their
reply. Thomas Smith was apparently exempted.* The
reply of the rest was that, having done nothing but
what their oaths and Statutes required, they could not
declare that they had done amiss. The Commissioners
declared that this fell short of the former submission,
and Dr. Bayley thereupon declared that that sub-
mission meant no more than a declaration of non-
resistance.f The Fellows were then asked whether
they would obey Parker as their President " in licitis et
honestis," and almost all refused. The Commissioners
then adjourned the court till November 16, when the
whole of the Fellows were charged to appear.

Before the 16th the King had instructed the Com-
missioners to require the Fellows to sign a prescribed
form, and to expel those who refused. He also en-
joined them to examine into the management of the
College, with a view to a "quo warranto? Absent
Fellows were to be "looked upon as guilty." The
proceedings on November 16 began by the admission
of two Romanists, nominated by the King, to Fellow-
ships. The King's formula was proposed to the
Fellows for subscription, Smith, Charnock, and Thomp-
son being excused. All the others present refused, and
were expelled. Of the eight absentees, some were

* So also, of course, was Charnock, and probably Thompson.

f The saving clause as to Hough's rights, which the Fellows had
been induced to drop, might have prevented their submission from
being understood as a recognition of Parker as President. In now
asserting that it was not so, the Fellows were probably moved by
the fact that they had been reproached for surrendering.

THE CONTEST WITH JAMES II. 207

excused as not having been concerned in the matter of
the election.* The cases of the rest were left to be dealt
with by Parker, who might require the subscriptions of
the persons concerned when they returned to Oxford.

The Fellows now expelled were twenty-five in number.
Fairfax's Fellowship had been already filled, and some
further admissions were now made into the places just
made vacant. Two Demies accepted Fellowships,!
three refused to be admitted, and some other persons
nominated also refused. The majority of the Demies
presented a protestation, declaring that they also
refused to recognise Parker as President ; but the Com-
missioners took no steps against them. Nor do they
appear to have made any inquiry for evidence on
which to ground a "quo warranto"" '; this process was
perhaps intended as a means of dealing with the
College, if the Fellows had avoided expulsion by sign-
ing the required submission, and regarded as needless
when the greater part of them were expelled.

Against Hough and the expelled Fellows further
steps were taken. A sentence of the Ecclesiastical
Commission, on December 10, pronounced them in-
capable of ecclesiastical preferment, and declared those
of their number who were not in Holy Orders incapable
of ordination. J Means were taken, however, to provide
for them: some were received into private houses as
tutors or chaplains ; and funds were raised by subscrip-
tion for their support.

* One of these, curiously enough, seems to have been Maynard.
Younger is not mentioned, but was probably excused on the same
ground.

f Into the places of these two Demies two kinsmen of the Bishop
of Chester were admitted.

£ This sentence was in some instances disregarded.

208 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

In the College itself, the Demies refused to regard
Parker's authority, or to recognise the newly appointed
Fellows. They regularly attended the services in Chapel,
one of the M.A. Demies reading prayers, and kept
" disputations and other exercises " under the superin-
tendence of members of their own body. Charnock
was appointed to act as Dean, but they refused to
recognise him. Charles Hawles, one of the absent
Fellows, having submitted to Parker on his return,
seems to have endeavoured to bring about their sub-
mission, but without effect. Thomas Smith was no
longer in residence, having returned to London under
his former leave of absence.

Before the end of the year the King directed the
admission of several new Fellows, all Romanists, and
early in 1688 he nominated the College officers.* The
Demies refused to obey the new officers, or to appear
before Parker when summoned ; fifteen of them were
expelled on January 16, and three more a fortnight
later, f Soon afterwards Parker, receiving a " mandate"
for the admission of another batch of Romanist Fellows,
was so much excited by what he seems to have regarded
as a breach of some promise made to him by the King,
that he " fell into a convulsive fit," and on March 21 he
died.t

As his successor the King named Bona venture Gifford,
who soon afterwards became Bishop of Madaura " in
partibus infidelium," and to the new President was com-

* Charnock was made Vice-President, two of the new Fellows
Deans of Divinity and Arts. Hawles was appointed as one of the
Bursars. Thomas Smith was named as Bursar, but did not appear
for admission.

t These were probably all the old Demies in residence.

£ He was buried on the south side of the ante-chapel.

THE CONTEST WITH JAMES II. 209

mitted by the King's authority the power of nominating
and admitting to all places in the College. The Roman
form of service was henceforward exclusively used in the
Chapel, where it had not been introduced during
Parker's tenure. The services were occasionally attended
by large numbers of townsmen and others, who came
partly for curiosity, partly with the intention of causing
annoyance.* Soon after Giffbrd came to Oxford a
further expulsion of Fellows took place. Thomas Smith
and six others were deprived on the double ground of
non-residence and refusal to recognise Gifford as the
lawful President. Two only were now left, Hawles,
who had submitted, and Younger, who was throughout
allowed to remain undisturbed.f

On October 3, Sancroft and several of the Bishops,
in their address to the King, recommended that he
should restore the President and Fellows. Two days
later the Ecclesiastical Commission was dissolved, and
on October 11 the King sent to the Bishop of Winchester
a direction

"that as Visitor of S. Mary Magdalen College in
Oxford he should settle that Society regularly and statu-
tably."

Bishop Mew accordingly came to Oxford for that
purpose on October 20, but was recalled to London
by a message from the King, to attend a meeting of the
Council. He returned on the 24th, and the following
day struck off from the books the names of Giffbrd and
all persons admitted during the past twelve months,

* Wood, Life and Times, iii. 264, 265, 270, 272.

f Hooper, the lunatic Fellow who had been on the books
throughout the time of the Commonwealth, also remained ; but ha
was rather in the position of a pensioner than of a Fellow.

210 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

and restored to their places those who had been ex-
pelled.* Charnock's name was also struck off, presumably
on the ground that his admission as Fellow had been
illegal.f

So ended the contest, and its close was marked by
much rejoicing both in the College and in Oxford
at large. It had been begun by the ill-advised action
of the King; and if the members of the College, in
their endeavour to maintain their rights and to abide
by the Statutes of their Founder, were not entirely free
from errors of judgment or of conduct, they may justly
be allowed the honour which is due to those who are
willing to abide, be the cost what it may, by the rule
of duty and of conscience.

[The greater part of the documents on which this narrative is
based are to be found in a collection, made for the most part by
Dr. Bloxam, published in 1886, under the title of Magdalen College
and King James II., by the Oxford Historical Society. In this
volume the extracts are arranged in chronological order. A few
details have been derived from unpublished parts of the papers
written by Sir C. Hedges (cited in the O.H.S. volume as the
Buckley MS.) now in Magdalen College Library.]

* The Demies who had been made Fellows on November 16
were replaced as Demies. It was suggested at the time, and Burnet
asserts it as a fact, that the King intended, on hearing that the
sailing of the Dutch fleet was delayed, to revoke his order to the
Visitor. But he was really anxious that it should be carried out at
once.

t After the Revolution Charnock was much concerned in Jacobite
conspiracies. He \vas executed in 1696 for his share in a plot for
the assassination of William III., after an endeavour to save his own
life by betraying the plans of the Jacobites.

CHAPTER XV

THE COLLEGE FROM 1688 TO 1791

THE fall of James II. and the elevation of William and
Mary to the throne were events which had no marked
effect on the history of the College itself, though they
affected in various ways the fortunes of some of its past
and present members. To a few these changes brought
the chance of preferment. Others, more scrupulous in
their loyalty, refused to swear allegiance to the new
sovereigns, and were ejected from their places, or
avoided the oath by resignation. In Thomas Smith,
who was ejected as a Non-juror, the College lost one of
its most learned members ; but very few of those who
were replaced in October 1688 followed his example, or
shared his fortunes. Of former members who were
numbered among the Non-juring party the most not-
able were George Hickes, Dean of Worcester, and John
Fitzwilliam, a Canon of Windsor. The former had
been a " poor scholar " of Magdalen in his early days ;
the latter had been Demy and Fellow, and afterwards
became, by his will, a notable benefactor to the College
Library.* Of those to whom the changes brought

* He left to the Library his own books, and to the College the
sum of £500, the interest of which was to be enjoyed during his life
by Bishop Ken, his friend and executor. The sum was allotted by
the College for the endowment of the Library.

MAGDALEN COLLEGE

promotion Hough himself was the chief. He became
Bishop of Oxford in 1690, and was translated to Lich-
field in 1699 and to Worcester in 1717. Fairfax, some
time after the Revolution, was advanced to the Deanery
of Norwich,* and others among the Fellows received
minor preferments.!

The year after the return of the expelled members
was marked by a memorable election of Demies. There
had been no election in 1687 or in 1688, and the
number of vacancies was unusually large. Seventeen
Demies were admitted; but the election was notable
not only for the number chosen, but for the distinction
afterwards attained by some of those elected. Among
them were Joseph Addison (Fellow 1697-1711), Hugh
Boulter (Fellow 1696-1709), Richard Smallbrook
(Fellow 1698-1709), and Henry Sacheverell (Fellow
1701-1713). There is no need to speak of Addison's
claims to celebrity or of the notoriety enjoyed by his
friend and chamber-fellow Sacheverell. f Boulter's
fame has been less lasting; but as Archbishop of

* Prideaux, in his letters to Ellis, has left a rather unpleasing
portrait of Fairfax, to whom he applies some strong epithets.
According to his account Fairfax was by no means content with his
promotion, and his dissatisfaction led him to interest himself in the
plans of the Jacobites.

t Henry Holyoake, one of the chaplains restored in 1688, was
Master of Rugby School for many years. During his mastership
the School first attained something of the renown which has belonged
to it in later days.

I The rooms occupied by Addison and Sacheverell were in the
north-east corner of the Cloister buildings, near the gate of the Walks.
This part of the buildings has been much altered, and the rooms
have now disappeared. The name of Addison is traditionally con-
nected with a part of the Walks (that on the northern side of the
meadow), and sometimes, by guide-book writers, applied to the
whole.

THE COLLEGE FROM 1688 TO 1791

Armagh he was notable not only for his influence in
Irish affairs, but for his munificent charities. Small-
brook, who became Bishop of S. David's and of Lich-
field, is perhaps best remembered by an unlucky piece
of " apologetic " argument which earned him the name
qf " Split-devil " ; but he was a writer of mark in his
own day, and his name was ranked, by those who called
" the golden election " to remembrance, with the other
three.

Save the details of elections, admissions, vacancies by
death or resignation, and presentations to livings, there
is little to be found in the records of the College during
the years of Hough's Presidentship. One transaction,
however, breaks the monotony, and is sufficiently im-
portant to call for mention here.

In 1693, on the death of the Principal of Magdalen
Hall, the College determined to assert their claim,
which they had refrained from pressing in 1681, to the
right of nomination. This claim rested in part on the
fact that all the early Principals of the Hall had been
Fellows of Magdalen, in part on the fact that the
College were the owners of the site of the Hall and
received rent for the premises. They argued that the
Laudian Statute of 1636, by which the University had
given the nomination of the Principals of the Halls to
the Chancellor, was ultra vires; and that they, as
owners, had a right to determine to whom they should
allow the use of the Hall. This view of the matter
ignored the fact that assent had been given to the
Laudian Statute on behalf of the College without any
such reservation as had been made by Queen's College
with regard to S. Edmund Hall. It ignored also the
fact that the Chancellor claimed not only in virtue of

MAGDALEN COLLEGE

that Statute, but by prescription ; and the fact that
while the Principals, in several cases before the passing
of the Laudian Statute, had been elected by the
"aularians," it did not appear that they had been
nominated by the College.

The Fellows, however, having successfully asserted
their right to elect their own Head, were anxious to
assert their supposed right to elect a Head for their
neighbours ; and Hough, less wise than Clerke, assented
to their action. They elected one of their own number
as Principal, and although the Vice-Chancellor refused
to admit their nominee, they proceeded to put him in
possession of the Principal's Lodgings, granted him a
lease of the buildings, and warned the " aularians " that
he was in lawful possession of the Hall as tenant of the
College.* The Chancellor, on his part, nominated
another Principal, whom the Vice-Chancellor proceeded
to admit, and to put in possession of the other buildings
of the Hall, breaking open the gates for this purpose.

A suit in the Common Pleas followed. The College
were unable to show that they had ever nominated a
Principal.f Nor could they show that the rent received

* The College appear to have made no attempt to secure the
election of their nominee by the "aularians." They asserted their
ownership by granting the lease ; and they seem to have supposed
that their claim to nominate would be established by a successful
assertion of ownership.

t The earliest records of admissions of Principals are all in cases
where the vacancy occurred by resignation, which in some instances
was definitely made in favour of the person admitted, and was
probably a matter of arrangement in all. This would sufficiently
account for the fact that all the early Principals were Fellows of
Magdalen, without assuming that they were named by the College.
In many cases the person admitted is expressly said to have been
elected by the members of the Hall. Before the date of the Laudian
Statutes the Chancellor had certainly nominated one Principal, who.

THE COLLEGE FROM 1688 TO 1791 215

from the Principals was anything more than a quit-rent*
They did show that the site of the Hall was part of the
"site of the College" acquired by the Founder: but
they could not show that since the Founder's time they
had exercised any rights of ownership beyond the re-
ceiving of the rent. It is hardly surprising that the
case was decided in favour of the Chancellor. The
College claim was made, apparently, in good faith; and
it is most likely that the site and buildings of the Hall
had never been alienated by any formal conveyance.
The Chancellor's claim, however, did not depend solely
upon the question of ownership ; and it is difficult to
see on what grounds the College supposed that it could
be successfully disputed. Even on the question of
ownership, the result of the case was adverse to the
College claim : and it was not till more than a century
had passed that Magdalen recovered full possession of
this part of the original " situs Collegii."*

Hough remained President during the whole time of
his tenure of the see of Oxford, and for more than a
year after his translation to Lichfield. On his resigna-
tion in 1701 he was succeeded by John Rogers, who
had been one of the senior Fellows in 1687.f Rogers1

was elected by the members. After the Laudian Statutes, the same
process was followed, except in two cases, in one of which the
nomination was by the King, in the other by the Parliamentary
Visitors.

* In 18 1 6 an Act of Parliament was obtained by which the site
and buildings of Hertford College (formerly Hart Hall) were
acquired for Magdalen Hall ; additional buildings were erected
some years later at the cost of the College ; and in 1822 the
members of the Hall took possession of their new abode, the College
taking over the old site of the Hall and the remains of its buildings,
which had been in great part destroyed by a fire in 1820.
^f The other candidate nominated in the final " scrutiny " was
Pr. Pudsey,

216 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

tenure was very short. He was apparently in infirm
health, and survived his election barely two years. His
successor was Thomas Bayley, who had had a prominent
part in the events which followed Hough's election.*
He also held the office for a very short time (February
1703 to August 1706), and his Presidentship was un-
eventful. His epitaph in the ante-chapel speaks in high
terms of his character and learning. Hearne's account
of him, at the time of his death, is :

" He has left the Character of an Honest Man behind him.
He was Elected upon the Death of Dr Rogers, till which
time he refused the Oath of Allegiance, which made some
Reflect upon him as tho' he conform'd only out of
Interest." t

With Hearne the term " honest man " signifies a Non-
juror, and, in its stricter sense, a thoroughgoing Jacobite.
Bayley therefore hardly came up to the standard. He
had, however, left his Fellowship in 1689, probably
from unwillingness to swear allegiance to William and
Mary : it seems most likely that he was one of those
who were unwilling to transfer their allegiance from
James II., but after his death had been followed by
that of William III., were prepared to acknowledge
Anne.

His successor was Joseph Harwar, also one of the
Fellows expelled in 1687, who, according to Hearne,
" came in President without any opposition.":]: Of his
qualities, however, Hearne has little good to say. He

* John Davys, the Vice-President, was the other candidate in the
final "scrutiny."

•j- Hearne's Diary, August 15, 1706.

J The other candidate in the final "scrutiny" was Richard
Watkins. Both were Fellows at the time of the election.

THE COLLEGE FROM 1688 TO 1791 217

describes him as " a Hypochondriacal easy Person, and
good for little or nothing ;" as " vir nullius vel erudi-
tionis vel virtutis," and his most favourable account of
him is that

" He was a man that seldom appeared abroad in the
University, nor did any University duty, being a quiet
man, but is reported to have been very charitable." *

Under Harwar, as perhaps under Bayley, the College
seems to have had within it a considerable Jacobite
element. At the accession of George I. some of its
members left their places, rather than accept the oath
of allegiance : and when General Pepper was sent in
1715, with his " troop of horse," to coerce Oxford and
to effect the arrest of certain Jacobite agents, Colonel
Owen, a Jacobite officer, found a safe refuge in Mag-
dalen.f A few years later, when Dr. King, the Jacobite
Principal of S. Mary Hall, sought election as a Burgess
for the University, he had some warm supporters among
the Fellows, whose sentiments found rather a singular
expression in the election of Harwar's successor in

The senior Fellows on this occasion wished to elect
Dr. John Grandorge : the j unior Fellows, apparently in
order to avoid this, preferring Robert Lydall, nomi-
nated as their second candidate Edward Butler, who

* Hearne's Diary, August 29, 1706, July 10, 1716, July 16, 1722.

t Pepper, on his arrival, beset the Greyhound Inn (in the
"Gravel Walk") where Owen was lodging; and the latter was
warned only just in time to escape from his bed over a wall into the
College, where it was thought useless to follow him. (Rapin's
History of England, vol. iv. p. 443.) A tradition reported by Dr.
Bloxam says that Owen was for some time concealed in the turret
of the "Grammar Hall," then the bell-turret of the School
building.

218 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

was a layman, and (in Hearne's eyes, at any rate) " a
very great Whig." The seniors, having to make a
choice between Lydall and Butler, elected the latter
out of resentment against Lydall for his failure to
support King in his recent contest.*

Butler's "Whig" propensities were probably not
extreme : but they were manifested in ways shocking to
the mind of Hearne. He remained a layman,f not
following the example of Clerke : he married a wife :
he " turned the little windows of the President's Lodg-
ings into sash windows : " and he permitted the presence
of " a vast number *' of ladies at " a concert of music "
in the College Hall, a thing which "wise men "regarded
as "very scandal ous."J He held the office of Vice-
Chancellor from 1728 to 1732, and in 1737 was returned
to Parliament as one of the members for the University.
From that time till his death, in 1745, political life
seems to have had more attraction for him than academic
affairs: and his constant attendance in Parliament is
one of the merits recorded in his epitaph. He is
described by Hearne as " a very stingy man ": but his
benefactions to the College were numerous and large.

The period from 1688 to 1745 is not marked in the
history of the College by the presence of many distin-
guished names. Yet there were some besides those
already mentioned, which ought not to be entirely
unnoticed, though most of them are now almost for-
gotten. Thomas Yalden, who began his connection with

* Hearne' s Diary, July 30, 1722, cited in Bloxam, Register,
vi. 147.

t Hearne asserts that the Visitor connived at this "purely
because he knows him to be a Whig."

I For the extracts as to all these delinquencies see Bloxarp, Register.
yi. 148-9.

THE COLLEGE FROM 1688 TO 1791 219

the College as a Chorister in 1678, was Fellow from
1698 to 1713, and was of sufficient note as a minor poet
to entitle him to the honour of a place in Johnson's
Lives of the Poets. Thomas Warton the elder, Fellow
from 1717 to 1724, held, like his more distinguished
son and namesake, the office of Professor of Poetry.
Phanuel Bacon, Fellow from 1724 to 1735, is summarily
dismissed by Hearne as " a very weak man and a great
liar." To others of his own generation he seemed to
be " possessed of an exquisite fund of humour," and he
was known in his own day as " a famous punster," and
as the author of some " humorous " poems and several
plays. Edward Holds worth, who resigned his Demy ship
in 1715, left his mark upon the College, as we shall see,
in other ways than those of literature : but he may be
mentioned here as the author of a Latin poem called
Muscipula, " written with the purity of Virgil and the
pleasantry of Lucian." A poet of higher rank, William
Collins, was a Demy of Magdalen during most of his
Oxford days. He was elected from Queen's College in
1741, and resigned his Demy ship in 1744, soon after
taking his degree. Gowing Knight, Demy from 1735
to 1746, became the first Principal Librarian of the
British Museum, and was celebrated for practical and
speculative work in the subject of magnetism. The
College was not entirely destitute of " wits and pens,"
though its contributions to solid learning were somewhat
scanty.

Some of its members, soon after Butler's election,
seem to have turned their wits in the direction of the
fashionable Deism of the period ; and in 1730 it was
reported that the College was " much infested with
Deists." In that year two Demies and one Commoner

220 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

were expelled by the President and officers, "for
blasphemy and other vile practices," as Hearne notes
the report : the Vice-President's Register gives, as the
cause of their expulsion,

"quod impiissime ac impudentissime se gesserint, non
solum turpissimis moribus infames, verum etiam, horrendum
dictu, Christian! nominis hostes palam professi." *

The principal activity of the College, however, at this
time, lay neither in propagating nor in suppressing
heterodoxy, but in schemes for building. The "New
buildings," begun in 1733, were part of a much larger
design sketched out by Edward Holds worth, whose
travels in Italy had increased his admiration for the
classical style of architecture. His original scheme, it
would appear, involved the destruction of the whole of
the ancient buildings of the College ; but its scope was
afterwards restricted so as to spare the Chapel, the Hall
and the Tower, which were to be preserved, but joined
to a large quadrangle in the style of the present " New
buildings." Fortunately the work was begun on the
north side of the proposed edifice, and was not com-
pleted. The ends of the block, which were intended to
be joined to the eastern and western sides of the new
Quadrangle, were for many years left unfinished, and
various devices for completing the work, on lines
differing from those of Holdsworth, were produced at
intervals, until the scheme was finally abandoned. f
The " New Building Fund," however, which had been

* Bloxam, Register, vi. 206, gives a fuller account of this matter.

f A fuller account of Holdsworth's design may be found in
Buckler's Observations on the Architecture of S. Mary Magdalen College,
pp. 98-102,

THE COLLEGE FROM 1688 TO 1791 221

raised for the most part by liberal gifts from the
wealthier members of the College, was maintained for
use in the future, and received additions from time to
time.

Butlers successor, Thomas Jenner, was at the time of
his election the Senior Fellow of the College.* He had
been chosen some years earlier as Margaret Professor of
Divinity, and retained this office, which seems to have
been his only distinction, until his death in 1768. It
was during his rule that Edward Gibbon matriculated
(in 1752) as a "gentleman-commoner,1' and spent in
Magdalen those " fourteen months " which he describes
as " the most idle and unprofitable of my whole life."
The account of the state of the College at this time,
which Gibbon has left in his Autobiography, is not
likely to be forgotten. It is perhaps fair to remember
that the impressions which he records were formed
when he was not yet sixteen ; and even in our own day,
when greater intimacy exists between "dons'" and
undergraduates than in the eighteenth century, it is
probably not often the case that an undergraduate
knows the tastes, occupations, and abilities of all the
Fellows of his College quite well enough to pass an
infallible judgment upon them. Gibbon, no doubt,
was a shrewd observer ; but though " sometimes ad-
mitted to the society of the Fellows," he does not seem
to have been on terms of intimacy with any of their
number. Of the one of whom he appears to have seen
most, Thomas Waldegrave, his first tutor, he speaks
with some regard, allowing him even the epithet of
" learned.11 With his second tutor, Thomas Winchester,

* The other candidate in the final " scrutiny " was Thomas Lisle,
also a Fellow.

MAGDALEN COLLEGE

his relations, so far as instruction went, were purely
nominal.*

Gibbon's description, however, though not free from
inaccuracies of detail, is probably, on the whole, a
truthful account of the College as it was in his Oxford
days ; and it may be said that the same description
would have applied, with equal truth, for a good many
years both before and after the middle of the eighteenth
century. It would have applied also, mutatis mutandis,
to a good many other Colleges in the University.t
Indeed, Gibbon's quarrel was not so much with
Magdalen as with Oxford. He describes his own
College rather as an instance of the general state of
things than as an exception. But at Magdalen some of
the conditions which favoured the slothfulness of the
time were even more powerful than in other societies.

The reduction of the exercises required for the B.A.
degree to a mere form, and the absence of any tests
requiring study for their fulfilment before admission to
the subsequent degrees, probably had most effect in
those Colleges where the Scholars succeeded to vacant
Fellowships almost as a matter of course. At Magdalen
such succession, though not the invariable rule, had
become a matter of custom ; and this system, together
with the fact that the Demies were allowed (also as a
matter of custom) to retain their places beyond the age

* This fact is certainly not to Winchester's credit. But Gibbon's
suggestion as to his tutor's " literary and moral character" (Auto-
biography, p. 81) is not supported by anything else that is known
of him.

t Illustrations of this statement may be found in several volumes
of this series. In some colleges the worst time was earlier, in
others later than Gibbon's day. He probably found Magdalen at its
worst.

THE COLLEGE FROM 1688 TO 1791

allowed by the Founder's Statutes, made any Demy
born in one of the favoured counties or dioceses fairly
secure in his hopes of a Fellowship, without further
exertion, if he could bide his time. Again, the tendency
to idleness among the juniors was probably most power-
ful in those Colleges where the number of under-
graduates was smallest, and where their studies were
without the stimulus of rivalry or the interest of com-
panionship. At Magdalen the greater part of the
Demyships were held by graduates ; and the few under-
graduate Demies were of various ages and standing.
The Commoners were very few in number, and the
Founder's limitation was so construed as to restrict
them to the special class of " gentleman-commoners " :
they were, that is to say, the sons of wealthy men, who
had come to the University in most cases not so much
for purposes of study as to spend a short time in Oxford
in such ways as might be pleasant to themselves. Their
assignment to tutors provided for their instruction, if
they desired to share in the ordinary studies of the
place ; but whether they should take any part in those
studies or not seems to have been left to their own
choice.

In a tract* printed in 1796, James Hurdis, then
Fellow of Magdalen and Professor of Poetry, en-
deavoured to defend the University and the College
from Gibbon's censure. His vindication can hardly be
considered complete ; t but it contains some interesting

* The tract (printed by the author at his own press) has no mark
of date or authorship. It is entitled " A word or two in vindication
of the University of Oxford, and of Magdalen College in particular,
from the posthumous aspersions of Mr. Gibbon."

t Some of Hurdis's criticisms are feeble or abusive; others
would probably have been re-cast if he had seen the full text of

MAGDALEN COLLEGE

details as to the educational system of the College,
which somewhat mitigate the impression produced by
Gibbon's general statements. Hurdis asserts that the
system of public " declamations,*" which Gibbon repre-
sents as extinct, was still in force when he wrote ; that
the College prescribed for its undergraduate members a
course of reading extending over four years, and cover-
ing a good deal of ground; that at the end of each
term the undergraduates were examined in the books
prescribed for the term, during which they were
required to attend their tutor's lectures for an hour
each day, and to produce " a theme or declamation *"
once a week ; and that these rules applied to all classes
of undergraduates.

These statements, however, are " subject to discount.11
They cannot be said to show that Gibbon's account of
the condition of things in his own day, and as to his
own class, was inaccurate, though they may suffice to
prove that he was mistaken in supposing that things
had not changed for the better in the interval. The
public " declamations " were required only of B. A.s and
fourth-year undergraduates,* and few, if any, of the
Commoners belonged to either class. The Commoners
may have shared in the scheme of study prescribed for
the Demies ; but they were not required to undergo the
terminal examination till a very few years before Hurdis

Gibbon's work. His details as to the lectures given by himself
and his brother Professors, while they show that they did not
absolutely ignore the duty of "reading," show also that their
standard in the matter was not a high one, and that if there had
been any improvement since 1752 the Professors of Gibbon's day can
hardly have " read " at all.

* This appears from a College order of later date, in which this
rule is said to be one of long standing.

THE COLLEGE FROM 1688 TO 1791 225

wrote.* As to the scheme of study itself, Hurdis
(though he implies that something of the same sort
existed in Gibbon's day) admits that the list of pre-
scribed books, which he gives in detail, had not been in
force for more than thirty years.

With regard to the literary activity of the Fellows of
Gibbon's day, Hurdis points triumphantly to the name
of George Home ; but he was not aware of the fact,
which appears from the recent edition of Gibbon's
memoir, that Gibbon himself had mentioned Home as
" the only student " in the society. He does not men-
tion him as an author ; but Home's publications were
of a later date, for the most part, than that of Gibbon's
residence. Hurdis himself seems not to have known
any Fellow of the time, save Home, in the character of
an author. Their contributions to literature either
before or after 1752 were not extensive ; and Gibbon
would probably not have rated either Matthew Horbery's
arguments against Whiston, or Winchester's later con-
troversial publications much higher than " the follies of
the Hutchinsonian system," in which Home was
"immersed" in 1752. He had a special reason for
remembering the " one author " whom he does mention,
since his work was published by subscription and Gibbon
himself was one of the subscribers, t

From Hurdis' statement it appears that the Readers
each delivered one lecture in each of the four terms ;
they might fairly plead that in thus limiting the

* A College Order of 1788 marks the date at which their exemp-
tion ceased.

f The " one author " was George Ballard, a Clerk, whose work
on The Learned, Ladies of Great Britain appeared in 1752. Ballard was
a laborious and painstaking collector and student, who bequeathed
his MSS. to the Bodleian Library.

P

226 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

amount of their instruction they were only following
the example given by the University Professors ; but the
performance certainly fell far short of the Founder's
design. Other College lectures, which, like those of the
Readers, were attended by all Bachelors and under-
graduates of the College, were provided from time to
time by a regulation which, curiously enough, main-
tained in the College something which the University
had ceased to enforce, save as a mere form. Every
B.A. before proceeding to the degree of Master had to
give six lectures in the Schools. So far as the
University was concerned, the rule was practically a
dead letter. But in Magdalen the delivery of six
lectures in the College itself, in the presence of certain
College officers, was still required in 1796 as a condition
of leave to proceed to the degree of M.A. It is
remarkable that while the University allowed the like
requirement to be ignored or evaded, the College
should have kept up, by its own authority, the tradition
of an actual " exercise " for the degree.

Gibbon's residence at Magdalen, which was cut short
in 1753,* may be said to be the only notable episode of
Jenner's Presidentship, and under Jenner's successor,
George Home, the annals of the College continue to be
uneventful. But it may be said that Home's election,
though it brought about no sudden change, was itself a
sign of better days.f The new President was a man of

* Gibbon was removed by his father immediately on his reception
into the Church of Rome, and sent at once to Switzerland ; but his
name was apparently retained on the College books till his brief
incursion into the Roman communion had come to an end. His
" caution money " was repaid by the College in 1755.

t It is perhaps worth notice that neither Home nor the other
candidate named in the final "scrutiny" had been a Demy. Home

THE COLLEGE PROM 1688 To 1791

good literary ability, of studious and devout life, and
of a character which won him the esteem of many
friends. Under his rule the College seems to have
begun to emerge from the torpor which had prevailed
for many years.

Home himself, after he became President, did not lay
his studies aside. A few years after his election he
published his well-known commentary on the Psalms,
a work on which he had been long engaged, and by
which, perhaps, he is best remembered. The fact that
the last ten years of his Presidentship were less produc-
tive was principally due to his appointment, in 1781,
to the Deanery of Canterbury, and to the divided resi-
dence and additional claims upon his time which that
appointment involved. In 1790 he became Bishop of
Norwich, and he resigned the Presidency in April 1791,
about nine months before his death.

Home, however, was certainly no longer " the only
student11 of the society; among the Fellows of his
day, several attained distinction in different lines of
study. Richard Chandler, whose Marmora Oxoniensia
had already appeared in 1763, is still remembered by
his travels and researches in Greece and Asia Minor,
the results of which are recorded in several volumes.
He may be remembered also for his Life of Waynflete,
a valuable contribution to the history of the College,
for which he had made extensive collections involving
much labour, but which was still unfinished at the time
of his death.* John Shaw, another of the Fellows of the

had been elected Fellow from University College, the other candi-
date, Thomas Walker, from Balliol.

* It was published a few years later, though in a less complete
and probably a less accurate form than it would have assumed
if Chandler had himself been able to finish his task.

228 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

time, obtained high praise in his own day by his edition
of the Argonautica of Apollonius Rhodius.* Richard
Wooddeson, who became Fellow in 1772 and Vinerian
Professor in 1777, was reckoned by Lord Ellenborough
as "one of the best lawyers of the old school."!
Edmund Cartwright (Fellow 1764-1773), still remem-
bered as the inventor of the power-loom and of other
mechanical contrivances, was known in his own day as
a writer of English verse. The labours of Dr. Routh
belong for the most part to a later day ; but even before
his election as Horne\s successor he had given proof of
his quality as a student and a scholar.

During the period covered by this chapter the College
received some important benefactions, both in the way
of contributions for special purposes and in that of
permanent additions to its corporate property. The
principal benefactor of the time was William Freman,
who matriculated as a gentleman-commoner in 1719,
and who, besides many gifts made in his lifetime,
bequeathed to the College a valuable property in the
city of London, formerly known as Freman's Court;
the site of which is now occupied by a block known as
Royal Exchange Buildings. Among his other gifts
were bells for the Tower, and the painting J which forms

* This praise, however, was not given him by all his critics.
Brunck, in particular, had a good deal to say against his work.

f Two other lawyers of some distinction were among the Demies
of Home's time — Sir Christopher Robinson, Judge of the Admiralty
Court, and Sir Charles Wetherell, Attorney-General in 1826, and
Recorder of Bristol, where his presence was the occasion of the
great riots of 1831.

$ This picture has been ascribed to Lodovico Caracci, to Guido,
to Morales, and to Ribalta; to the last-named it is confidently
assigned by Ford in his Handbook for Spain, and Sir Joshua
Reynolds was of the same opinion. It is said to have been taken

THE COLLEGE FROM 1688 TO 1791 229

the altar-piece in the Chapel. The introduction of
this picture led to the removal of the painted hanging
which covered the lower part of the east wall, and to the
erection in place of it of a heavy " screen " or reredos,
with Corinthian pillars, serving as a frame for the
altar-piece.* Some other changes also took place in
the Chapel during this period. The removal of the
transept on the south side of the choir has already been
mentioned. The glass from the smaller windows of the
ante-chapel was transferred to the choir in 1741, and
used to fill four windows on each side ; the two nearest
to the east end remained plain till 1762, when they
were filled with figures of the Apostles, executed by
William Price. The ante-chapel windows were now filled
with plain glass, and so remained for several years. The
organ which had been brought back from Hampton
Court in 1660 gave place in 1737 to another instrument,
the work of Thomas Schwarbrook.f This is sometimes
said to have been the gift of William Freman, but he
was probably not the only contributor, for the sum con-
tributed, in addition to which the College made a further
payment to Schwarbrook, is described as received "a
benefactoribus." In 1790 the state of the Chapel roof
was reported to be dangerous, and under the guidance
of James Wyatt the old roof was removed, both from

from one of the Spanish ships captured at Vigo in 1702, and to have
been brought to England by the Duke of Ormond. It came to
Magdalen in 1745.

* The general character of this work, which seems to have been
erected in 1758, may be seen from a plate in Skelton's Oxonia
Antigua.

f The old instrument was removed to Tewkesbury, where it was
placed in the Abbey Church. It was afterwards (in 1848) enlarged
and altered, but parts of it still remain.

230 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

the Chapel and Hall, and replaced by a new
structure. The new roof was made rather higher in
pitch than the old, and covered with slates instead of
lead ; internally, plaster ceilings, constructed in imita-
tion of stone groining, were introduced. Wyatt also
produced plans and estimates for further " ornamenting "
the Chapel, and for completing the New Buildings, but
happily these were not carried into effect.*

During Hornets Presidentship a third storey was added
to the Lodgings in 1768, and in 1770 the "gallery" or
" election chamber " to the north of the Lodgings was
removed. f In 1783 an ancient building near the
Cherwell, including the Divinity Reader's Lodging, and
a room used as the Common-room of the junior Demies,
was also removed, and the structure known as u West's
building " erected. The old building is believed to have
been, at least in part, a portion of the fabric of S. John's
Hospital ; the new erection derived its name from the
fact that its cost was chiefly defrayed by a legacy from
Dr. Thomas West, who had entered the College in 1720
as a chorister, at twelve years of age, and continued a
member of the foundation, as Demy and Fellow, till
his death in 1781.

* See Bloxam, Register, vol. ii. pp. clxxxvii. sqq.; Buckler, Obser-
vations, &c., pp. 103-111.

t Some of the armorial glass from the windows of this building
was transferred to the Hall.

CHAPTER XVI

MARTIN JOSEPH ROUTH, 1791-1854

THE meeting for the election of Home's successor in
the Presidency was held on April £7, 1791 ; but it was
not till the next day that two candidates obtained a
clear majority of the votes. The two selected were
Martin Joseph Routh and John Parkinson, both
Fellows elected in 1775; neither of them was of the
number of the thirteen seniors. In the final " scrutiny "
the division was very close; it resulted in favour of
Routh, who received seven votes against six given for
his rival.*

The new President was in his thirty-sixth year. He
had matriculated as a member of Queen's College at
the age of fourteen, and had migrated, like Addison
and Collins, from Queen's to Magdalen on his election
to a Demyship, to which he had been nominated by
Home in 1771. He had not as yet taken any large
share in the government of the College, though he had
held some of the less important College offices, and had

* Bloxam, Register, vii. 5. The details of the voting are not given
in the letter to the Visitor ; Dr. Bloxam probably had them from Dr.
Routh himself. It may be noted that the election was held in a
room in the Lodgings, which was fitted up to serve as a temporary
Chapel, the Chapel itself being at the time under repair,

232 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

served as Proctor in 1784. In that year he had pub-
lished his first work, a careful edition of the Euthy-
demus and Gorgias of Plato. But his attention was
already devoted for the most part to theological and
patristic studies, with which he was chiefly occupied
during the rest of his long life.

These studies he carried on almost exclusively in
Oxford ; and therefore, while his own researches in the
stores of the Bodleian were not without fruit, he
depended for his material to a great extent on the
results achieved by the labours of other scholars. But
in his use of those results he was diligent, patient, and
thorough ; and the value of his work in the field which
he made specially his own is still very great, in spite of
all that has been done and discovered during the last
fifty years.* He was a diligent collector of books
relating to the subjects of his special studies, and
gradually brought together a library of some 16,000
volumes, including many of great rarity and value.
His printed books passed at his death to the Univer-
sity of Durham, under a deed of gift made in 1852 ;
his collection of MSS., which he had at one time
intended to divide between the Bodleian Library and
that of his own College, was dispersed by sale.f

* The first edition of his most important work, the Reliquiae
Sacrae, appeared in two instalments between 1814 and 1818 ; the
second edition, published in 1846, was enlarged by the addition of a
fifth volume in 1848. In 1823 and 1833 he produced editions of
Burnet's History of his own times, and in 1852 he issued a separate
edition of the portion of this work relating to the reign of James II.
The first edition of the Scriptorum Eccksiasticorum Opuscula appeared
in 1832, the second in 1840. In 1853, at the age of ninety-eight,
he printed for private circulation three short treatises on points
relating to patristic scholarship,
f The advice which he gave to the late Dean Burgon, as the rule

MARTIN JOSEPH ROUTH 233

Routh, at the time of his election, was a Bachelor of
Divinity and in Deacon^s orders. He proceeded to the
degree of D.D. a few months later,* but remained a
Deacon till 1810, when he was presented to the
Rectory of Tylehurst, near Reading. This benefice he
held with the Presidency till his death, residing in the
parish, as a rule, during such parts of the year as he
was absent from Oxford. f He remained unmarried till
his sixty-fifth year ; and throughout his life his tastes
and habits were those of a student rather than of an
active or busy member of the Oxford society of his
time. His dress, his ways of speech, and, to some
extent, his ways of thought, were those of a time which
had passed away long before the close of his life.

Though he knew very well what was going on both
in the political and in the ecclesiastical world, and had
his own definite opinion on the questions of the day,
he has been truly described as "belonging to no
modern party." His theology was the theology of the
great English divines of the seventeenth century ; it
has been said of him that in the days of the " Oxford
Movement " he " stood alone among his brother Heads
in his knowledge of what English theology was " ; and

which he had found most valuable in his experience as a scholar,
" You will find it a very good practice, sir, always to verify your
references," is well known. His experience as a book-hunter sup-
plied another maxim, concerning the reading of booksellers' cata-
logues : " If you never did acquire the habit, sir, I would advise
you to avoid it ; for it consumes a great deal of time."

* The limitation of Divinity Degrees to persons in Priest's orders
was not at this time in force.

t The tale of his saying, in one of his sermons to his rustic flock,
" I know that you will object to me what Irenaeus says," is probably
a mere invention. His actual practice in the matter of parochial
preaching shows that he knew pretty well what his people could
understand, and took pains to instruct them accordingly.

234 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

to him the teaching of the " Movement " (apart from
the aberrations of particular persons concerned in it)
was nothing new or strange. But he took no pro-
minent part in the controversies of that time ; the fact
that he stood aloof from them made his action all the
more significant when in 1841 he " protested strongly "
against the censure passed by the Heads of Houses
upon" Tract 90."

His views as to the position and functions of his
College, and as to the management of its affairs, were
in accordance rather with the best traditions of the
eighteenth century than with any ideals of an earlier
or of a later day. He was not inclined to set aside
existing customs which a long-established usage had
sanctioned, even where they were not in accord with
the most obvious interpretation of the Founder's
Statutes. His policy was rather to retain the custom
as it existed, and, for his own part, to make the best of
it, without attempting either to set it aside in favour
of the letter of the Statutes, or to limit the freedom of
others by rules intended to prevent its abuse. In the
election to Demyships, for example, he himself used his
customary right of nomination in favour of the most
promising candidate ; but he was unwilling either to
impose a like standard on the other electors or to fall
back upon the system of election prescribed in the
Statutes, which custom had set aside. So, too, he was
unwilling to take any steps to abandon the custom by
which Demies, after a tenure prolonged beyond the
statutable term, succeeded, as if of right, to vacant
Fellowships.* And in many other matters, small and

* In 1814 a minority of the Fellows appealed to the Visitor
(Bp. North) on this subject, but he declined to make any order

MARTIN JOSEPH ROUTH 235

great, he maintained through sixty years and more the
same policy of opposition to change in the existing
state of things.

The corporate activity of the College during most of
his long Presidentship expended itself in building
works: and here his influence perhaps prevented the
adoption of various ill-considered designs, such as
Wyatfs schemes for the decoration of the Chapel and
the finishing of the New Buildings, and various other
devices involving the removal of large parts of the
older buildings of the College in order to combine the
remainder in one monstrous whole with the New Build-
ings, or the " Gothicising " of the New Buildings to
" bring them into harmony " with Waynflete's work of
the fifteenth century.

After Wyatt had been set aside, further plans from
various sources were considered and rejected or de-
ferred. As a result of the discussions arising about them
the College seems to have been persuaded that in order
to restore the Founder's Tower to its original purpose as
the main entrance to the Cloisters, it was necessary to
alter the approach to the College from the street, or to

" unless with the concurrence of the general wishes of the Society."
In 1837 the great majority of the Fellows desired to return to the
observance of the Founder's Statute on the matter ; but, in view of
the President's reluctance to adopt this course, the question was
postponed. In 1854 it was again referred to the Visitor (Bp.
Sumner), who decided that all future Demies should retire at the
age of twenty-five, according to the Statute, and that no future
Demies should be entitled to succeed to Fellowships ; but held that
in view of the antiquity of the custom, the existing Demies should
be held to have a vested right both as to tenure and as to succession.
The last Demy of the old system resigned in 1877, at the age of
sixty, having held his Demyship nearly forty-two years. The
Fellowship to which he would have succeeded became vacant very
soon afterwards.

236 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

remove the President's Lodgings to a new site ; and
that for one or both of these ends it was desirable to
remove the Schoolroom and the adjacent buildings of
Magdalen Hall. The approaching dissolution of Hert-
ford College seemed to offer an opportunity for re-
gaining the part of the site of the College occupied by
Magdalen Hall, and negotiations were begun for this
purpose as early as 1813. After several years of delay
and a large expenditure of money, the bargain was at
last carried out and the site secured.*

Before any steps could be taken for dealing with the
site and buildings thus placed at the disposal of the
College, it was reported that the roof, and indeed the
whole fabric, of the north and east fronts of the Cloister
Quadrangle were in a dangerous condition, and for
some time the attention of the society was turned to
the older buildings. The whole of the north front was
actually pulled down in 1822, and it was proposed, in
order to secure a view of the interior of the Cloister
Quadrangle from the New Buildings, to erect nothing
but the ends of the east and west fronts and the Cloister
joining them. The work, however, which seems to have
been hastily pushed on by a builder employed by the
College, without full authority, was stopped before the
rebuilding of the Cloister had proceeded very far, and
for some time the College was the battle-ground of
contending architects, who poured forth more or less
impossible designs for rebuilding, altering, or com-
pleting this and other portions of the buildings, or
for erecting various new blocks in various parts of the
precinct. It was at last decided that the north front
should be rebuilt much on the old lines, discarding the
* See above, p. 215, note.

MARTIN JOSEPH ROUTH 237

third storey (which, though of some antiquity, was
probably no part of the original design), retaining the
high roof which it had been proposed to abolish, and
introducing gables at the eastern and western extremi-
ties of the front. This work was carried out in 1824
by Joseph Parkinson, the architect to whom the College
some time earlier had committed the general oversight
of its repairs, and was followed in 1825 and 1826 by
the rebuilding of the rooms on the east side of the
Cloister Quadrangle, and in 1827 by the rebuilding of
the south Cloister. While these works were in progress
the Library was repaired, enlarged and refitted. In
1824 the unfinished ends of the New Building were
completed in their present form,* and in the same year
" the gable end of the building next the High Street "
was ordered to be " restored to its original triangular
Gothic format These works mark the definite abandon-
ment of the various ambitious schemes for " finishing
the New Buildings'" by carrying out the wings towards
the south, and for additional buildings towards the
High Street, some of which had made provision on one
site or another for a new Library.

The old Grammar School building (save the bell-
turret) was removed in 1828, but this was not due to
any desire to utilise the site for new buildings, but
simply to the fact that the fabric had become unsafe.
The School (which was now practically limited to the
Choristers) was for the time carried on in some of the

* The design for completing the New Building was supplied by
Thomas Harrison, but carried out, like the other works, under the
direction of Joseph Parkinson.

t The round top of the gable shown in Loggan's print probably
dates from 1635. Jt was intended, no doubt, to harmonise with
Inigo Jones' gateway.

238 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

remaining buildings of Magdalen Hall, and afterwards
(when these were also removed in 1845), transferred to
rooms in the Chaplains1 Quadrangle. The remains of
the north end of the old Schoolroom were adapted to
form the south front of the block adjoining them (now
known as the Grammar Hall) according to a design by
Buckler.*

This was the last of the external alterations of the
time, and the Society now turned their attention to the
task of repairing and refitting the interior of the
Chapel. This work was done in the years from 1829
to 1834, under the guidance of L. N. Cottingham,
whose design was selected in preference to seventeen
others. The College was fortunate in its choice, for
Cottingham had made a more careful study of ancient
models than most architects of his day, and his results,
though they are certainly open to criticism, were much
more successful than anything which could have been
expected from a " restoration " undertaken at the time.
The only important changes which have been made
since his work was done are the removal of the ante-
chapel windows to their old place, the introduction of
new glass in the windows of the choir, and the addition
of the statues which fill the niches of the east wall.j

One part of Cottingham's work, the arched recess in
the wall of the ante-chapel to the north of the choir-

* The block (then separated from S. John's quadrangle by a
wall on the east of the carriage road to the Lodgings) served for some
time as a residence for one of the College porters. Its appearance
as Buckler left it maybe seen from the Oxford Almanac for 1842.
Since that time the entrance has been transferred from the south to
the east front.

t Cottingham's design included statues for these niches, but none
were actually placed in them till 1864.

From a photograph by] [Ronald P. Jones, Magd. Coll.

INTERIOR OF THE CHAPEL, LOOKIXG WEST

MARTIN JOSEPH ROUTH 239

screen, has been the subject of some mistaken guesses.
It was constructed in 1832 to receive the monument of
Richard Patten, the father of the Founder, which was
brought from Lincolnshire. The church of Wainfleet
All Saints, where the tomb was erected, had become
ruinous, and in 1820 was pulled down. Different
schemes for the preservation of the monument were
proposed, but none of them, apparently, was carried
out, till it was at last removed to Oxford. The place
prepared for it, however, proved inconvenient, and it
was finally removed to the oratory on the north side of
the choir, where it still remains.

In 1836 and the following years some work was done
in the College Hall, where the panelling was set free
from the coat of green paint with which it had been
covered, new doors, designed by Buckler, were placed in
the screen, and a new floor laid. After these improve-
ments were finished, in 1838, a few years passed without
new building operations ; but in 1844 a fresh start was
made by the removal of Inigo Jones1 gateway and the
building of a new one in its place, designed by
A. W. Pugin. In the next year the remaining build-
ings of Magdalen Hall (except the part included in the
" Grammar Hall " ) were removed, and also the houses
facing the "Gravel Walk" between these buildings
and the corner of Long Wall. These changes were
intended to clear the ground for the School; but before
the work of building was actually begun a question was
raised as to the obligation of the College to maintain
the School as a place where all comers should be taught
gratuitously, and an application was made to the Court
of Chancery to enforce the alleged obligation. The
Court, however, refused to interfere, holding that the

240 MAGDAUEN COLLEGE

School was a part of the College, and that its adminis-
tration was subject to the control of the Visitor ; and
the Visitor, after consideration of an appeal made to
him, decided against the claim to receive gratuitous
instruction in the particular case in question.* While
these questions were proceeding the building was
delayed, and it was not until 1849 that the Visitor's
decision was given. The College at once acquired a
house in the High Street as a residence for the Master,
in which he might receive the Choristers and other
boarders, and the present Schoolroom was begun in the
same year, and opened on May 1, 1851. The archi-
tect of the building was J. C. Buckler.

The desire to improve the condition of the School and
to extend its usefulness was one result of a movement
on the part of some of the Fellows which had for its
object the reform of the College from within, on the
lines laid down by the Founder's Statutes. The fact
that the School was the first part of the foundation in
which the influence of this movement was shown was
due not to any exaggerated idea of the importance of
the School in Waynflete's scheme, but rather to the
fact that it was practically the only department of the
College in which vested interests and privileges did not
stand in the way. In the organisation of the Choir,
also, where vested interests were comparatively few and

* See Bloxam, Register, iii. pp. 275-285, and pp. 1-6. It would
appear that the College never at any time admitted the claim of
persons not in any sense members of the University or of any
College or Hall to receive gratuitous teaching in the School. The
petition of the citizens in favour of the School in 1550, while it states
that such teaching was of great advantage to the citizens, shows also
that those who received it were scholars or choristers of various
Colleges.

MARTIN JOSEPH ROUTH 241

short-lived, the President was induced to assent to
measures for securing more efficiency, and between 1841
and 1854 it had come to be regarded as necessary that
candidates for clerkships should have some musical
qualifications, and that the Clerks as well as the Choristers
should attend the services and discharge their duties.*
The vested interests of Demies, the privileges of electors,
and the President's strong dislike to interfere with these
interests and privileges, or to relinquish any rights
which he conceived to attach to his own office, blocked
the way of the movement in many other matters of
more vital importance to the well-being of the College
as a place of education and of learning.

The " Honour " examinations of the University, in-
stituted in 1801, soon began to exercise a great influence
in the revival of study in Oxford, and the class-lists may
be said to furnish a rough test of the position of the
College in regard to that revival during the first half of
the century. In these lists, from 1802 to 1806, there
appear the names of eight Colleges only; of these
Magdalen is one.f From 1807 to 1854 the classical
lists include the names of 112 members of the College.
The total is not a large one, even in view of the fact
that almost all the candidates for honours came
from the ranks of the Demies, for the Demies alone
would average something more than three a year.
But the distribution of the names among the various
classes is even more significant. The number in the
first class is not large, and nearly half the names are
placed in that division of the list which was at the

* See Bloxam, Register, vol. iii., Preface, pp. cciv-ccviii.
f It is represented by a single name, that of W. H. Tinney, after*
wards Fellow of Oriel, who obtained the highest honours in 1805.

Q

242 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

time the lowest. The evidence of the lists shows that a
very large and increasing proportion of the Demies
were content with such an amount of study as secured
them a place in the list, or even with a " pass " degree.
In the mathematical lists the whole number of names
is very small, but here also, though the proportion of
" firsts " is larger, the tendency towards the lowest class
seems to increase as time goes on.

It is of course true that among those who aimed at
no University honours, or who fell short of what they
sought, there were many whose scholarship and ability
were by no means represented by their place in the
examination lists, and while some of these earned dis-
tinction in other fields, not a few in later days did
good service for their College in such things as their
hand found to do. But of the really notable names
which are to be found in the records during RoutK's
long Presidentship a large proportion are supplied by
the small number of Fellows elected from other Colleges.
Such were Henry Philpotts, Bishop of Exeter from
1831 to 1869, elected from Corpus in 1795 ; Roundell
Palmer, afterwards Earl' of Selborne, Lord Chancellor
in 1872 and 1880, who came to Magdalen from Trinity
in 1834 ; Robert Lowe, afterwards Viscount Sherbrooke,
Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1868, elected from
University in 1835, and James Mozley, elected from
Oriel in 1840, perhaps the ablest Regius Professor of
Divinity since the days of Robert Sanderson. Among
the Fellows who had also been Demies were Richard
Durnford, Fellow in 1827, Bishop of Chichester from
1870 to 1895 ; Nassau Senior, Fellow in 1812, after-
wards known as a writer on economics and political
subjects ; Charles Daubeny, Fellow from 1815 to 1867,

MARTIN JOSEPH ROUTH

whose efforts to promote the study of Natural Science
in Oxford have borne fruit in his own College in later
days ; William Palmer, the brother of Lord Selborne,
Fellow in 1832, an able and learned theologian; and
Charles Reade, Fellow from 1835 to 1884, the author of
many novels, one at least of which entitles him to a
place among the greatest English writers of fiction.

Among the Demies there were some who did not
wait for their chance of succession to a Fellowship at
Magdalen, but were elected elsewhere; such was the
case with John Conington and with Goldwin Smith,
both of whom had obtained high University distinctions
while they were still Demies, but whose later Oxford
life belongs to other Colleges.*

In the list of non-foundationers of the time there are
few names of mark. John Wilson, admitted as a
" gentleman-commoner v in 1803, is better known from
his connection with Blackwoo&s Magazine (where he
appears as "Christopher North11) than in his capacity of
Professor of Moral Philosophy at Edinburgh. A more
notable figure among English philosophers was his son-
in-law, James Ferrier, "gentleman-commoner " in 1828.
In political life, Joseph Warner Henley, for many years
member for Oxfordshire, and John Wilson Patten, after-
wards Lord Winmarleigh,f were both useful members of
the House of Commons. William Parsons, the third Earl
of Rosse, is remembered for his zeal in astronomical
science. Among the very small number of persons
admitted to the College with the purpose of obtaining

* Conington resigned his Demyship to become Scholar of Univer-
sity, where both he and Goldwin Smith were elected Fellows.

t Lord Winmarleigh claimed kinship with the Founder, by his
descent from Richard Patten, supposed to have been the brother of
Waynflete.

244 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

degrees in Music were Sir Henry Bishop and Samuel
Sebastian Wesley, both of whom entered in 1839. But
their connection with Magdalen was merely nominal:
their training and their reputation as musicians owed
nothing to Oxford.

The two points which the reforming party among the
Fellows were most anxious to secure were the enforce-
ment of the Founder's Statute as to the election and
tenure of Demies, and the abolition of the privileged
class of "gentleman-commoners," whose position, in spite
of College orders, still remained practically what it had
been 100 years before, in the days of Gibbon. Both
these schemes, however, were opposed by the President.
The former, if generally applied, seriously threatened
vested interests, and in any case reduced the value of
the patronage which custom had allowed the electors to
Demyships to exercise in turn. The latter seemed
likely to touch his own privileges, since he claimed the
sole authority over the admission and discipline of the
non-foundationers. The hands of the reformers were
strengthened by the approach of a Royal Commission
to inquire into the condition of the University and the
Colleges ; and in February 1851, after a College meeting
had agreed to supply no information to the Commis-
sioners, it was unanimously resolved to appoint a
committee

' to examine and report what may appear to them to be
the best means for extending, and (if necessary) amending
the present educational system of the College, consistently
with the College Statutes/'

The report, which appeared a few months later,
recommended that the "gentleman-commoner" class

MARTIN JOSEPH ROUTH

should for the future be strictly limited to the " filii
nobilium et valentium personarum " contemplated by
the Founder, and that all its members should be re-
quired to pass an entrance examination, and be subject
in all respects to the ordinary College rules. It
suggested that Commoners not of this class might also
be admitted, provided that their admission involved no
" burden " upon the College revenues, and that rooms
were available for their use. But besides these Com-
moners of the ordinary type it proposed the reception
of a third class, who should represent the "poor
scholars " of earlier days. It was contemplated that
for these members of the College a new quadrangle
should be built, to accommodate sixty men, each having
a single room, and that the recently erected School-
room should be converted into a dining-hall, where they
should have all their meals in common. They were to
be placed under the charge of a special vicegerent and
two tutors, and to pay to the College for board, lodg-
ing and tuition a fixed sum of £60 a year each. A sum
was also to be set apart for exhibitions to be given to
poor and deserving members of this new class.*

As to Demyships, the report recommended that
elections for the future should be made by the officers
jointly, after a stricter examination than that actually

* Such a scheme as this had been for some time present to the
minds of persons interested in University reform, and a good many
pamphlets had been written on the subject between 1845 and l85T«
It ultimately took shape in the new foundation of Keble College.
In proposing to make definite provision for "poor scholars " as a
part of the system contemplated by the Founder of Magdalen the
committee were under a mistaken impression (arising from a mis-
understanding of the word " servientes " in an early document) that
the " poor scholars " had been a recognised element in the College,
distinct from the foundationers, in the Founder's lifetime.

\

246 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

in use. It made no reference to the tenure of the
Demies, or to their succession to Fellowships, probably
in view of the President's well-known objection to any
change on these points. Other recommendations which
it contained were intended to improve the system of
terminal examinations and other points of College dis-
cipline, and to render the Readerships more useful. It
was proposed to increase the stipends of the Readers,
and to add to their duties in the matter of lecturing.
The Philosophy Readers, it was suggested, might devote
themselves to subjects required in the University exam-
inations, the Reader in Theology to the special instruc-
tion of graduates preparing for Holy Orders.*

It may be doubtful whether this scheme, as a whole,
would have been accepted by the College ; but Dr.
Routh, regarding some parts of it as inconsistent with
the Statutes, refused to allow it to be brought forward
at all. A case was drawn up for submission to the
Visitor in order to obtain his opinion on the question
whether any part of the plan for the " poor scholars "
was contrary to the Statutes ; but this matter seems to
have gone no further.f Some other parts of the
report, however, were separately considered and agreed
to in the next year. Thus the return to the " statut-

* The necessary funds for the carrying out of this scheme, and in
particular for the part of it concerning the new class of Commoners,
were to be supplied partly from the ordinary resources of the
College, partly from a large benefaction left to the College by Dr.
Thomas Sheppard (Fellow, 1748-1770) and by his widow, Sophia
Sheppard, the sister of Dr. Routh. This fund was at the time kept
apart from the other funds of the College, but has now (under the
Universities Act of 1877) been merged in the general estate.

f There seems to be no record of the transmission of this case to
the Visitor, or of any reply from him to the questions contained
in it.

MARTIN JOSEPH ROITTH 247

able " method of electing Demies was approved by the
College in March 1852, and a resolution as to the
limitation of the " gentleman-commoner " class, agree-
ing in effect with the proposals of the report, was
adopted at the same meeting.

In January 1854, in response to an inquiry from the
Chancellor whether the College wished to obtain
" powers enabling it to carry into execution any specific
plans of improvement " a new committee was appointed,
and a new scheme drawn up. At the same time the
Fellows applied to the Visitor for a decision as to the
questions of the tenure and succession-rights of the
Demies, with the result already stated.* The main
features of the new scheme f were an increase in the
annual value of the Demyships, if the tenure were
curtailed, the creation of thirty exhibitions of £50 a
year, to be bestowed with special regard to the claim of
poverty,! and the establishment of three Praelectorships
with a stipend of £500 a year, to rank as Professorships
in the University. § Half the Fellowships were to be
thrown open, without restriction as to birthplace, the
other half being redistributed among the favoured
counties and dioceses, which were also to have a prefer-
ence in respect of half the number of the new Exhibitions.
To provide funds for the new charges, it was proposed

* See note to p. 234.

t For the scheme, see Bloxam, Register, vol. vii. pp. viii.-xi.

J This scheme, the committee state, was not intended to super-
sede the proposal made in 1851 for the establishment of "an
affiliated Half."

§ It was proposed that these Praelectorships should take the
place of those established by the Founder, but that the subjects (in
view of the fact that other University endowments provided for the
teaching of those contemplated by Waynflete) should be changed to
meet the existing needs of the University.

248 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

to suspend a certain number of Fellowships, and to limit
the sum total of the dividend of the Fellows, till the
income of the College should be sufficient to meet the
extra charge.

It was not found practicable to return any 'answer to
the Chancellor in which the President and Fellows could
agree. The President

"deemed it most expedient that he should forward a
separate answer in his own name, leaving the Fellows to
adopt a similar course."

The Fellows met, and sent an answer on their own
account. The majority were not in favour of applying
to Parliament for new powers ; but they pointed out
that within the limits of the Founder's Statutes certain
reforms were possible and expedient. The points on
which they laid stress were the "superannuation" of
the Demies at the age of twenty-five, for which they
were endeavouring to obtain the Visitor's sanction, the
improvement of the Readerships, and the assistance of
poor students. For this last purpose they declared
that they were prepared to adopt the scheme of exhibi-
tions put forward in the report of 1854; but they also
forwarded to the Chancellor the earlier report of 1851,
not expressing approval or disapproval of its details.

The President's independent answer was to the effect
that he did not agree with the views of the Fellows, but
was prepared to accept such proposals as might, in
accordance with the Statutes, be agreed upon by the
President and Fellows jointly. In other words, he was
willing to adopt such reforms as he might himself allow
to be " statutable " and be persuaded to approve before
they were submitted to the Fellows for assent.

MARTIN JOSEPH ROtJTH 249

Thus no corporate action followed upon the Chan-
cellor's letter, and though the Fellows1 reply to that
letter had, as a comparison will show, some influence
on the Ordinance framed by the University Commis-
sioners in 1857, there was no immediate result from the
discussions and reports, save the virtual abolition of the
" gentleman-commoners,"1 to which the President re-
luctantly agreed, and the enforcement, brought about
by the joint action of the Fellows and the Visitor, of
the Statute relating to the Demies.

On December 22, 1854, Dr. Routh died, in the one
hundredth year of his age and the sixty-fourth year of
his Presidency. He was buried in the choir of the
College Chapel, before the altar.

CHAPTER XVII

THE UNIVERSITY COMMISSIONS

IT was perhaps natural that after so long a reign as
that of Dr. Routh, and at a time so critical as that at
which it closed, the election of his successor should be
a somewhat intricate matter of College politics. It took
place on Janury 5, 1855, and in the first "scrutiny"
nine candidates were named.* Three more " scrutinies "
were needed before two candidates obtained the required
majority of votes, and the final voting by the thirteen
seniors could take place. It resulted in the election of
the one candidate who had had a clear majority in all
the earlier " scrutinies." f

Frederic Bulley, who was thus chosen to guide the
College in what most of its members probably regarded
as a dangerous time, had been elected Demy nearly
thirty years before at the age of fourteen, had taken his
degree four years later, and become Fellow in 1832.
Since that time he had held all the College offices, and
for about twelve years before his election as President

* This large number was due, no doubt, to the distribution of the
second votes ; only three appear to have been practically regarded
as candidates for election. See Bloxam, Register, vii. 296.

f The other two serious candidates (Andrew Edwards, Fellow
1826, and Henry Harris, Fellow 1850, the Vice-President of the
time) were nearly equal at the first two " scrutinies." The former
was the second candidate selected.

THE UNIVERSITY COMMISSIONS 251

he had acted as Tutor of the College.* In the discus-
sions relating to the University Commission and to the
reform of the College he had supported the policy of
making such changes only in the existing system as
might be in accordance with the Statutes, and of re-
fraining from seeking for the alteration of the Founder^
code. In his views as to the extent and character of
practicable reforms he was perhaps more conservative
than some others who supported the same general
policy. Had the College desired to take a more active
share in pressing forward the coming changes or in help-
ing to determine their character, it might perhaps have
made another choice. But the new President had
certain qualities which were of much value for the time.
He knew thoroughly the working of the existing
system. He was prepared, where changes were necessary,
to accept them and to make the best of them : and few
of those who served under him as President, whether as
Tutors or as officers of the College, could fail to appre-
ciate his unfailing kindness and courtesy, his considera-
tion for those who differed from him, and the careful
attention which to the last he continued to give to the
details of College business.

One change of some importance marked his admission
to office. The clauses in the oath of the President and
in that of the Fellows which bound them not to seek
for or to accept any change in the Founder's Statutes
had been for some time, in view of the proposal that
the College should seek for powers to alter its Statutes,
a subject of much discussion. One view of the matter
may be said to be represented by Dr. Routh, who held

* Of his efficiency and usefulness in this office his former pupils
have still a grateful recollection.

252 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

that he was bound by the pledge, but interpreted the
Statutes in the light of customary usage. Another
view appears in a letter of James Mozley to the late
Dean Church:

" The oath to ask for no change in statutes seems to me
to be exactly on the same ground as the oath to observe
them, ... if we interpret one oath liberally, we may the
other."

Mozley "s correspondent, on the other hand, may be said
to represent a third view, when he says in reply :

" Your view of the oath is one I should like to see
worked out. But it is to me a nasty subject ; and there
seems to be a difference between an oath directed to one
particular point and an oath directed to a general matter
comprehending a great variety of multifarious points of
unequal importance. But it is clear that there ought to
be some way out of a restriction which stops all improve-
ment."

The new President, like the majority of the Fellows,
leant rather to the view suggested by Churches criticism
than to that advocated by Mozley. Their view seems
to have been on the whole that expressed by Lord
Selborne, who says of himself:

" From voluntary action on my own part, to obtain from
the Legislature alterations in the statutes of my own
College, I felt precluded by those oaths."

They held that they were bound not to seek for changes,
or for " powers w to make them,* but that they might

* The Committee appointed in 1854 had proposed that the
College should apply for powers to carry out the scheme which it
prepared ; but the recommendation was not adopted by the College,
or even by the majority of the Fellows.

THE UNIVERSITY COMMISSIONS 253

submit to changes imposed by law without any request
or suggestion from themselves.

The first change so imposed was an alteration in the
form of the oath. An Act of Parliament had rendered
it unlawful to take an oath which seemed to bind those
who made it to refuse such changes as might be imposed
by law : and the form of the President's oath was
altered in accordance with this Act, by the direction of
the Visitor, and in agreement with his instructions.
Other changes followed before long, in the Ordinance
made by the University Commission.

The main features of the new scheme thus imposed
by legislation were those which affected the mode of
election and the annual income of the future members
of the Foundation, and those which provided for the
establishment of Professorships in lieu of the Praelec-
torships or Readerships appointed by Waynflete.

The new Demies were to be chosen after examination,
without regard to their birthplace, and to hold for five
years from their election. They were to receive an
annual allowance of not less than £75, but were not
to be entitled to succeed to Fellowships. The whole
number of Demies was to be increased to forty. Twenty
exhibitions were also to be established, each of the
yearly value of £75. These were to be given only to
persons " in need of support at the University,1' but the
fitness of the persons chosen was to be tested by exami-
nation. The existing Demies were to be regarded as
having a right to succeed to Fellowships according to
the customary practice. Of those Fellowships to which,
at their next avoidance, there might be no Demy
entitled to succeed, ten were to be suspended, in order
to provide funds for the increased charges for Demies^

254 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

Exhibitioners and Professors.* The rest were to be
filled up by election after examination, without regard
to place of birth, or to former membership of the
College. One-third of the whole number of Fellowships
were for the future to be tenable by laymen. The
minimum income of the new Fellows was fixed at
c£S30; but each of them was to receive the same
amount ; and the Visitor was empowered, if the revenues
of the College should suffice to raise the average income
of the Fellows above £300 a year, to direct that the
number of the Fellows should be increased, or to
appropriate the surplus to other purposes. The suspen-
sion of the ten Fellowships was not to be permanent :
as revenue increased, the old number of forty was to be
restored, provision being first made for the Professors,
Demies and Exhibitioners. It was also directed that a
certain proportion of the Fellowships and Demyships
should be awarded with regard to proficiency in Mathe-
matics and in Physical Science.

The Professorships were to be four in number, having
for their subjects Moral and Metaphysical Philosophy,
Chemistry, Mineralogy, and Physical Geography.
Each of the four Professorships was to be provided with
a stipend of £600 a year ; but the chairs might, under
certain conditions, be founded before the whole of this
income could be assigned to them. The existing
Praelector of Moral Philosophy was to be entitled, if he
so desired, to become the first Philosophy Professor so
soon as a sufficient stipend could be provided for him.

* Every alternate Fellowship not filled by succession was to be
thus suspended, until the suspension had taken effect upon ten
The income of the suspended Fellowships was to be regarded as
invariable, being fixed at £284 a year.

THE UNIVERSITY COMMISSIONS 255

As to the internal government of the College, the
most notable change was the restriction of the powers
belonging to the President. His rights of nomination
to various places in the College were reduced or modified ;
his power to prevent the majority of the College meet-
ing from making orders or by-laws was abolished.
His vote at College meetings, and in elections of
Fellows, was to count as two votes ; in case of equality
he was to have also a casting vote ; but his power of
" veto " disappeared.

The provisions of the Statutes as to the residence,
dress, studies, and daily life of the members of the
College were declared void, and it was left to the
College itself to make such regulations on these subjects
as might seem expedient. The oaths of the President,
the Fellows, and the College officers were to be replaced
by declarations that the person admitted would faith-
fully perform the duties of his office, and " obey the
statutes and by-laws of the College in force for the time
being.""

The effect of these changes was not at once apparent.
The abolition of the minute regulations of the Statutes
as to dress, studies, meals, and the like may perhaps
have been a relief to the consciences of the members of
the College ; but as these regulations had long ceased to
be observed at all, no practical change was made by
discarding them. The number of Demies possessing a
" vested interest " was so large that the Fellowships
filled by open election were for several years very few.
The endowment of the new " Waynflete Professorships "
and the increase in the charges for Demyships and
Exhibitions were to proceed pari passu ; and thus
neither part of the scheme was fully carried out at once.

256 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

The Demyships were increased in value * ; a certain
number of Exhibitions were founded,f and the Wayn-
flete Professorship of Philosophy found its first Professor
very soon after the passing of the Ordinance. J The
Chemistry Professorship was founded in 1865.§ But the
revenues of the College were not sufficient to carry out
the foundation of additional Demyships, or to found
the other two Professorships proposed by the Ordinance ;
and these parts of the scheme were not fulfilled until
the Ordinance itself, as well as what remained of
Waynflete's Statutes, had been swept away by a second
University Commission.

The main reason of the partial failure of the scheme
to attain fulfilment is to be found in the change of the
method of managing the College estates, which had
been begun before the date of the Ordinance, but
affected the College finances very materially for many
years after that date. The change from the old system
of " beneficial leases " to that of leases at rack rent not
only required funds for new farm buildings and for
extensive repairs, but also made it necessary to raise
" fine loans " in order to compensate for the loss of the
" fines " which would have been received on the renewal

* The College fixed the stipend of the new Demies, after the first
few years of the Ordinance, at £95.

f The number of Exhibitioners depended partly on the amount
of the increased charge for Demies ; as this rose with the increase
of the new Demies, the number of the Exhibitioners could not
increase without making an increase also in the Professorial
fund.

£ The first Professor was H. L. Mansel, afterwards Dean of
S. Paul's. On his appointment to the Professorship of Ecclesi-
astical History, he was succeeded by H. W. Chandler, Fellow of
Pembroke.

§ The first Professor was Sir B. C. Brodie.

THE UNIVERSITY COMMISSIONS 257

of the " beneficial leases." The repayment of the loans
raised for these purposes became year by year a heavier
charge upon the annual income ; and although that
income was gradually increasing in consequence of the
adoption of the new system, the surplus to which the
makers of the Ordinance had looked forward with con-
fidence was long delayed.

Perhaps the most marked change which took place
in the constitution of the College under the Ordinance
was the growth of the non-foundation element. The
policy of admitting Commoners had been begun before
the Ordinance was made, and though the number of
twenty non-foundationers had not been exceeded before
1857, the Commoners between 1854 and 1858 were
more numerous than for many years previous to 1854.
The Commissioners annulled the restriction of the
Statutes on this point, and the College was free to
admit as many Commoners as it could provide with
rooms. The increase, however, was very gradual, for
the number of undergraduate Demies and Exhibitioners
was also increasing, and the supply of rooms was
limited. In the University Calendar for 1855, the first
year of Dr. Bulley's Presidentship, Magdalen has in its
list one " Gentleman-Commoner " (the last of his race)
and sixteen Commoners. By 1861 the " Gentleman-
Commoner " had for some time passed into the list of
graduates, and the Commoners had increased to thirty-
four. This number was somewhat reduced between
1865 and 1869, probably in view of the fact that the
increase in the number of undergraduate Demies and
Exhibitioners, which was now considerable, reduced the
number of rooms available for the Commoners. But
with the introduction by the University of the system

258 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

of licensed lodgings, the growth of the Commoners began
again. In the Calendar of 1870 they number thirty-five,
and five years later that number had been doubled.

In 1875 it appears from the report of a College
Committee that one-third of the resident undergraduates
were living in lodgings outside the College; and the
need of more accommodation was regarded by the Com-
mittee as " one of the most pressing needs of the time."
The next year a site for new buildings was chosen ; but
a new University Commission was in prospect, and
although the College placed the provision of new
buildings in the forefront of its own list of necessary or
desirable improvements, no further action was possible
for some time. In 1879, however, steps were taken to
procure plans ; and in the following year the design
furnished by Messrs. Bodley and Garner was selected,
and the work of building was actually begun.* The
rooms of the new block were not ready for occupation
till 1884, and by that year the number of Commoners
had risen above ninety. In 1885, which saw the close
of Dr. Bulley's thirty years' Presidentship, their number
was more than one hundred in excess of what it had
been in the year of his election.

Magdalen had thus changed from a small society,
made up almost wholly of foundation-members, and to
a great extent of graduates, to a society of considerable
numbers, made up of the same elements, in about the
same proportion, as most of the other Colleges in the
University. And with this change other changes also

* This new building, in order to avoid confusion with the " New
Buildings" of 1735, was named " S. Swithun's Buildings." The
choice was suggested by the fact that a statue of S. Swithun was
placed in a niche on the west side of the tower by which they are
entered.

THE UNIVERSITY COMMISSIONS 259

had been gradually brought about. Those conditions
of the older system which tended to produce a tradition
of idleness had disappeared, and with their disappear-
ance the class-lists of University examinations show a
tolerably steady increase in the number of Magdalen
names, and a steady tendency to improvement in the
average position of those names. The proportion of
" honour men " among the Commoners, however, was
for some time small, though gradually increasing. One
specially notable point in the new development of the
educational work of the College during this time is the
growing importance given to the study of Natural
Science. Almost from the time when this branch of
learning was first recognised in the Examination Schools,
it has received at Magdalen consistent support ; and
here, perhaps, more than in any other College in Oxford,
its followers may be said to have found a home.

The good effects of a more active administration
were felt also in matters relating to the Chapel and its
services. In the adornment of the Chapel two improve-
ments which had long been delayed were carried out.
The windows of the choir were filled with new glass,
the old antechapel windows returning to their former
position ; and the eastern screen, after some hesitations
and discussions which now seem rather strange, but
which were probably quite serious at the time, was
completed by the filling of the empty niches with
statues.* Under Dr. Routh, as we have seen, some

* The glass for the choir windows was provided in the main by
the generosity of the late Lord Selborne, who for several years
devoted the income of his Fellowship to form a fund for this purpose.
The work, however, was not finished till 1859, about ten years after
he had ceased to be Fellow. The completion of the screen took place
five years later.

260 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

steps had been taken to secure greater efficiency in the
performance of the musical services ; and a considerable
improvement had been brought about while the Choir
was still under the charge of the last Organist appointed
by him, Mr. Benjamin Blyth. But a much higher
standard was reached under the care of Sir John Stainer
and his successor Sir Walter Parratt, in whose days the
reputation of the Chapel music was probably greater
than at any time in the previous history of the College ;
nor is it likely that its celebrity will be lessened while
the members of the Choir are chosen and trained by the
care and diligent skill of the present " Inform ator
choristarum."*

The changes made in College Statutes by the Uni-
versity Commission appointed under the Act of 1877
followed the same general plan in all cases. One
object which the Commissioners had in view was to
obtain increased contributions for University purposes
from College revenues, partly in the way of direct
payment on a uniform system, partly by special charges
for particular purposes on the revenues of various
Colleges. At Magdalen these special charges took (as
in the Ordinance) the form of endowment for Professor-
ships. Two new Professorships were to be founded,f in
addition to the two which had already been established,
and two existing Professorships were to receive an
increase to their stipends from the College ; J while
Fellowships were to be attached to all the six Professor-
ships thus endowed. The Fellowships not so attached

* Dr. J. V. Roberts was appointed Organist in 1882.
f These were a Professorship of Physiology and a Professorship
of Pure Mathematics.
$ These were the Professorships of Botany and Mineralogy.

THE UNIVERSITY COMMISSIONS 261

were (as elsewhere) divided into Official* and Ordinary
Fellowships, but the number of the latter class which
might be allotted to persons specially qualified for the
promotion of special study or research was rather larger
than in most other Colleges. This was rendered pos-
sible by the number of Fellowships available, the whole
number, as provided by the new Statutes, being at least
thirty, and possibly forty. New provision was made for
the recognition, in the examinations for such Ordinary
Fellowships as should be filled by that method, of
particular subjects ; and among these a special promi-
nence was given to Theology, f The number of Demy-
ships was fixed at thirty ; but in addition to these
(perhaps in lieu of the additional Demyships proposed
in the Ordinance) provision was made for a small
number of " Senior Demyships " of rather greater value
tenable by graduates for a term of four years.J Instead
of the numerous exhibitions contemplated by the Ordi-
nance an " Exhibition Fund " was instituted, of limited
extent, from which exhibitions of varying amounts
might be granted at the discretion of the College to
persons in need of assistance at the University. §

The first step towards the fulfilment of the obliga-
tions to the University imposed by the new Statutes

* The number of these was fixed at eleven ; it has now been
increased to twelve.

t This was perhaps intended to counterbalance the reduction of
the clerical Fellowships, which were for the future to be two only.
The details of the arrangement as to the rotation of subjects have
since been slightly modified.

t This form of endowment was suggested to the Commissioners
by the College, and has been adopted also in one or two other
foundations.

§ The sum assigned by the Commissioners for this purpose was
less by one half than that proposed by the College.

MAGDALEN COLLEGE

was taken within the same month in which the Statutes
were approved by the Queen in Council, by the endow-
ment of the Professorship of Physiology. But the
complete development of the new system, as in the case
of the Ordinance, was delayed to some extent by cir-
cumstances not foreseen. The depression in agriculture,
which made itself felt in 1879 and the following years,
and the consequent fall in agricultural rents, caused
the revenue to fall below the estimates on which the
scheme had been based. It was necessary to suspend
Fellowships, and to keep suspended others which it had
been hoped that it might be possible to revive. But
by degrees the whole scheme has been brought into
operation ; the College now bears, with one exception,*
the whole of the appointed charge for the endowment
of its Professorships. The Fellowships have again been
raised to the number of thirty ; two of the new Senior
Demyships have been established ; and although some
parts of the scheme (chiefly those which relate to the
contributions from corporate revenue to funds within
the College itself) have not yet been fully developed,
there is no part of it which remains entirely in abey-
ance.

At the time of Dr. Bulley's death, which took place
in September 1885, it may be said that a fair start had
been made in the process of working out the details of
the new scheme. His Presidentship thus covers the
time of transition from the old state of things to the
new. The fact that the change was made with so little
friction, and with so small an amount of internal dis-
sension at any of the stages of its progress was due in

* The present Professor of Chemistry, holding a Fellowship in
another College, has not become a Fellow of Magdalen.

THE UNIVERSITY COMMISSIONS 263

no small degree to his own moderation, and to the
conciliating influence both of his policy and of his
example. But to those who served the College during
his tenure as Tutors and Bursars is due a great part of
the success which attended the change. Some of them
have passed away; others are still members of the
Foundation, aiding in its active work by personal
service, or in its counsels by their advice and experi-
ence. The choice which the Fellows made in their
election of his successor, the present holder of the
office, was in no small measure due to a deep and
general sense of great services rendered to the College
during seven years of energetic work as one of its
Tutors, and to a confident hope of greater services in
time to come. Of the fulfilment of that hope, or of
the great future which may lie before the College, this
is not the time or the place to speak. "Scribantur
haec in generatione altera."

APPENDICES

A.— RELIGIOUS FOUNDATIONS ANNEXED
TO THE COLLEGE.

Besides the Hospital of S. John Baptist at Oxford and the pro-
jected College of Sir John Fastolf at Caister, six other foundations
were united with Magdalen College.

1. The Benedictine Priory of S. Mary at Sele (otherwise Sela or
Beeding) in Sussex was founded about 1075 as a cell or dependent
Priory of the Monastery of S. Florent at Saumur, which had been
endowed with certain possessions at Sele by William de Braose. It
was separated and made " denizen " in 1396. A sketch of its history,
with some account of the documents relating to it, is to be found in
Cartwright's Rape of Bramber. The advowson of the Priory was
granted in 1459 by John, Duke of Norfolk (the representative of
William de Braose), to Waynflete, and the grant was confirmed
in 1471 by his son and successor. The decree for the annexation to
the College was made in 1471.

2. The Hospital of S. Stephen and S. Thomas the Martyr at
Romney in Kent, was founded before 1190 by Adam de Cherringes.
It was a hospital for lepers, managed by a Prior or Warden, brethren
and sisters. In 1363, having long been unoccupied, it was refounded
as a College or Chantry for two priests (one of whom continued to
bear the title of Warden), by John Fraunceys. The advowson of
this foundation was purchased by Waynflete from the representa-
tives of John Fraunceys. The decree for annexation to the College
was made in 1481.

3. The College or Chapel of S. Katharine at Wanborough in
Wiltshire was founded in 1270 by Emeline de Lacy, Countess of
Ulster, on her manor. The advowson was granted to Waynflete
by Francis, Viscount Lovel, and the Chapel was annexed by a decVee
in 1483.

4. The Hospital of S. James and S. John at Aynho in North-
amptonshire was founded or endowed by Roger Fitz-Richard (of

APPENDICES

the family afterwards known as Clavering, who at this time used no
permanent surname) about 1190, " ad hospitandum pauperes fratres
qui hospitium ibi pro amore Dei petierint." It was managed by a
Master and brethren. Waynflete obtained the advowson from
William Fitz-Alan, Earl of Arundel ; the decree for annexation was
made in 1485.

5. The Augustinian Priory of S. Mary at Selborne in Hampshire
was founded in 1234 by Peter des Roches, Bishop of Winchester.
It was united to the College by a decree in 1485. A calendar of the
charters and documents relating to the Priory, now preserved in the
muniment room of the College, has been edited by the Rev. W. D.
Macray for the Hants Record Society, and includes a full account
of the process for the annexation. An account of the Priory and its
history (based for the most part on these documents) is to be found
in White's History of Selborne.

6. The Hospital of S. John (afterwards called the Hospital of
S. John and S. James) at Brackley in Northamptonshire was
founded before 1168 by Robert, Earl of Leicester, called Robert le
Bossu. The advowson of the Hospital (which was managed by a
Master and brethren) passed by descent from the family of the
founder to Francis, Viscount Lovel, by whom it was conveyed to
Waynflete. The Hospital was annexed to the College by a decree
in 1485. For some time the College maintained a chantry-priest at
Brackley to serve the chapel of the Hospital ; but on the death of
the priest in 1548, after the Act for the suppression of Chantries,
they established a school in place of the chantry, which still con.
tinues. Of the old Hospital buildings nothing now remains but the
Chapel, which serves as the Chapel of the College School.

The annexation of Sele was confirmed in 1472 by Sixtus IV., the
other annexations in 1486 by Bulls of Innocent VIII.

B.— THE ALMSHOUSE.

The relief which the Hospital of S. John had been intended to
give to poor and destitute persons was not specified as one of the
objects of Waynflete's foundation. Nor did Waynflete make any
provisions for its continuance within the College, or give (so far as
appears) any directions on the subject. But for a long time after
the foundation of the College a certain number of poor persons were
lodged within its walls, in the building known as the " almshouse,"
which had formed part of the old Hospital.* Probably this system
existed from the first beginnings of the College ; but its continuance

* See p. 12, supra.

266 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

was due in a special degree to John Claymond. He provided four
beds, at his own cost, which were placed in the " almshouse," and
for the maintenance of these some provision was made by the direc-
tion that the balance remaining from the benefaction of Claymond,
Higdon and Morwent * was to be applied, if necessary, to this
purpose. The College paid for the superintendence of the alms-
house.t and purchased necessary furniture for it from time to time.
Some of the inmates remained there only for one or two nights, some
for a much longer time. In the statement mentioned on p. I2,J the
following account is given of the system, as it existed in the end of
the sixteenth century :

" When the President or any of the fellowes doe finde any pore
distressed people that are fitt to be pitied, or when any doe
come to crave succoure, to the number of one, two, or three (butt
never above foure) they sende them to the keeper of the sayd
allmes-house, and there they are lodged for one, two, or three
nightes as occasion dothe serve, and if theire case be verie pittifull
(albeit we have noe allowance for victuall ore mayntenaunce for
them) yet diverse have bynn relieved with convenient diet by the
space of many dayes and weekes at the colledge charges by the con-
sent of the President and officers ; in so much as some have bynn
mayntayned there to the hower of theire death. In sommer the
resort is greater, in winter very smale, bycause of the coldnes and
onwholsomenes of the vault ; which is in verie deed so moyst and
dampish that we have the last yeare removed the beddes into
another house not far of, for that everie winter they are subject to
rottennes, and have provided some tymber, and meane, God
willinge, this springe to provide more, for the bordinge of the
floare of the saide Allmes-house, as well for the safetie of our beddes
as the health and ease of the poore."

In the time of the Commonwealth the almshouse ceased to be
occupied in this way, and both the vault and the chapel above it
were used for storing fuel. " Claymond's beds" probably ceased to
exist, and after the Restoration the building was " converted into
chambers " by the direction of the Visitor.

* See Appendix C.
t The keeper was paid £3 a year.

J This document is printed in full in Mr. Macray's Notes from the
Muniments of S. Mary Magdalen College.

APPENDICES 267

C.— NOTE ON THE COMMEMORATIONS
OF BENEFACTORS.

The list of Commemoration Days which is still in force, so far as
concerns the days which fall within the portions of the year during
which the Chapel services are carried on, seems to have been drawn
up in the sixteenth century. It includes four general Commemora-
tions of the Founder and Benefactors, distinguished as Commemora-
t tones per fident, which the Founder, in his Statutes, directed to be
held on the Thursdays before the feasts of the Annunciation, S.John
Baptist, Michaelmas, and Christmas. At one of these quarterly
Commemorations special mention was to be made of Peter des
Roches, the Founder of Selborne Priory, and at another of John,
Duke of Norfolk, by whom Sele Priory was transferred to Wayn-
flete for the benefit of the College. (See Appendix A.) The other
Commemorations which appear in the list are as follows :

i. John Claymond, John Higdon, and Robert Morwent, on the
first Monday of Lent. Each of these was the founder of certain
exhibitions of small amount. The three joined together in memory
of their own friendship and of their connection with the College,
to purchase certain lands at Standlake in Oxfordshire which they
conveyed to the College, charged with an annual sum of ^3. Of
this sum part was to be distributed to the members of the founda-
tion present at their joint Commemoration, the President receiving
1 6d., each actual Fellow 8d., each Probationer Fellow and Chaplain
6d., each Demy and Clerk 4^., and each Chorister zd. " ad uberiorem
refectionem." Four shillings was to be spent in the purchase of
straw for the prisoners in Oxford Castle ; and any balance which
might remain from the £3 was to be assigned to the maintenance
of "Claymond's beds" in the Almshouse (see Appendix B). The
distribution is made by the Bursar in the Chapel during the singing
of Benedictus. The payment for straw was commuted by the desire
of the Charity Commissioners, about fourteen years ago, by the
payment of a capital sum to be invested for the benefit of prisoners ;
the payment for Claymond's beds ceased with the abolition of the
Almshouse.

2. Simon Perrot : on the Monday before S. Mark's Day. This
benefactor left £i to be divided among the President and Fellows
present at his Commemoration, 55. 4^. to be divided among the
Choristers, and is. 4^. to the Praeceptor Choristarum. He also pro-
vided for a sermon in the College Chapel on S. Mark's Day, and for
an oration, to be delivered in the Hall on the day of his Commemo-
ration by a Demy.

MAGDALEN COLLEGE

3. Henry VII. : on May i. (See pp. 50-51 supra.)

4. Thomas Ingledew : on June 19. He gave money for the endow-
ment of certain Fellowships. (See p. 37 supra. )

5. Joan Danvers : between July 7 and August i. She gave
(according to an agreement made with her husband William
Danvers) the manor of Stainswick to Waynflete for the endowment
of his foundation. In practice, her Commemoration is held on July 22.

6. William Fitz-Alan, Earl of Arundel : on July 30. His name
appears in the list in respect of his transference to Waynflete of the
Hospital of Aynho. (See Appendix A.)

7. The Obit of the Founder, on the morrow of S. Laurence
(August n).

8. Francis, Viscount Lovel : on September 17. His name appears
in the list in respect of his transference to Waynflete of the Hospital
of Brackley. (See Appendix A.)

9. James, William, and Robert Preston : on November 4. These
three gave in 1487 money to found four exhibitions for Fellows, each
of the yearly value of four marks.

10. Henry III., the special benefactor of the Hospital of S. John.
His Commemoration is appointed in the Founder's Statutes to take
glace on November 16 (the Feast of S. Edmund the Archbishop),
but has been transferred, by an error as old as the present list, to
November 20 (the Feast of S. Edmund the King).

11. Owen Oglethorpe, President, and Bishop of Carlisle: on
December 31. He gave to the College a tenement in Chancery Lane,
subject to a charge for small exhibitions.

D.— THE ARMS OF THE COLLEGE.

The personal arms of the Founder (which, as Bishop of Winches-
ter, he bore impaled with those of his see, and sometimes encircled
by the Garter) were : Lozengy (or Fusilly) sable and ermine, on a
chief of the first three lilies argent. The field represented his
paternal arms ; and these (either simply or with the difference of a
canton, sometimes or, sometimes gules) have been borne by various
families of the name of Patten since his time. The partition of the
field is sometimes expressed by the term "fusilly," sometimes by
1 lozengy," more frequently, perhaps, by the former. But the
earliest representations of the coat (e.g., that on Waynflete' s episco-
pal seal, and that on the seal of his College) show the rhombi in the
"lozenge," not in the "fusil" form, having their horizontal dia-
meter about equal to their sides. The chief was an augmentation
intended to commemorate the Founder's connection with Eton
College, from the arms of which it is derived.

APPENDICES 269

The College seems to have adopted as its arms these personal
arms of the Founder, following a practice not uncommon among
Oxford Colleges-. But this use of the arms appears to have had no
sanction by way of grant or confirmation till 1574, when Richard
Lee, Portcullis, describes himself as having "ratified, confirmed,
and recorded " in his " Visitacion made of the Universitie " a coat
which he declares to be " thauncient Armes belonginge and apper-
tayning to the College of S. Mary Magdalen incorporat by the name
of President and Scholers of the College of S. Mary Magdalen
within the Universitie of Oxford as from William Waynflet Bushopp
of Wynchester and Prelate of the moste Honorable ordre of the
Gartier." Whether Lee's claim to " visit " the University in this
year was allowed or not, it would appear that Magdalen so far
recognised it as to pay forty-five shillings " feciali insignia Collegii
depingenti." No other record of the transaction is to be found in
Magdalen College ; but Lee's drawing and attestation are preserved
in the College of Arms. The field, in this drawing, is manifestly
lozengy, and the lilies on the chief are argent stalked and seeded or.
This last feature (probably a slight variation from Waynflete's arms,
intentionally made by Portcullis in "confirming" a coat used
without authority) appears in one or two representations not only
of the College arms, but of the arms of the Founder (distinguished by
the presence of the Garter, or of a mitre) in the glass of the Hall
windows. These, as a whole, are of much later date ; but some
sixteenth-century armorial glass was transferred to them from the
windows of the Lodgings, and it is not unlikely that these specimens
date from a time near that of Lee's Visitation. In many of the
later examples, and in some old shields which have been repainted,
the lilies are represented as " proper," with green stems and foliage.
This development (which may also be seen in modern coloured
representations of the arms of Eton College) is a departure both
from what appears to have been the original pattern of Waynflete's
personal arms and from the coat depicted by Portcullis in 1574,
which must be regarded as the authoritative standard.

To his record of the arms Lee adds also the motto used both by
Waynflete and by his College : »' Fecit mihi magna qui potens est
et sanctum nomen ejus. His insertion of a superfluous "est " after
the word " sanctum " is probably not due to any desire to make a
change in the motto, but to lack of familiarity with the Vulgate
rendering of Magnificat.

270 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

E.— THE COLLEGE PLATE.

The stock of College plate at the present day is considerable in
quantity, but includes few pieces of any special beauty or interest.
Of the ancient plate belonging to the Chapel it is most likely that
a good deal was dispersed by Walter Haddon, and little or nothing
appears to have survived the exercise of the powers committed to
Laurence Humfrey and his associates in 1563. Almost the whole
of the domestic plate was sacrificed to the needs of the King in the
Civil War. The period of the Commonwealth does not seem to
have been fruitful in gifts ; and although many of the pieces now in
ordinary use have, when remade, been engraved with the inscriptions
and dates of the original donors, only a few bear names or dates of
a time before the Restoration, The " Founder's Cup," a good but
not specially beautiful specimen of early work, bears on its cover
the mark of the crowned leopard's head, and a maker's mark which
is somewhat indistinct, resembling an antelope's head. The " Re-
storation Cup " given by those who returned to the College in 1660,
has the date-mark of that year ; it is a very fair example of the taste
of its time. A bowl, given by Sir John Harpur, a pupil of Joseph
Addison, who matriculated as a Gentleman-Commoner in 1697,
appears in Mr. Holman Hunt's representation of the May-day
ceremonial. Among the later acquisitions, perhaps the most notable
is a great silver-gilt salver, presented by the Emperor Alexander I.
of Russia to Dr. Routh, and by him given to the College " salvum
conservandum a rapacibus et furibus tutum." It is of English work-
manship, of the year 1820.

F.— NOTE ON PORTRAITS IN THE POSSES-
SION OF THE COLLEGE.

The greater part of the portraits mentioned in this list are either
in the Hall (marked *), in the President's lodgings (marked f), or in
the College School (marked J).

PORTRAITS OF THE FOUNDER.

(1) £ A half length, representing Waynflete in a rochet and scarf

(or almuce), holding an open book. This is a copy from a
portrait in the Royal collection at Windsor.

(2) t A similar picture on panel ; perhaps an earlier copy of the

same original, or even a copy of (i).

APPENDICES

3) t A three-quarter length on panel. Probably a fancy portrait,
perhaps the work of Greenbury, who was paid for a portrait
of Waynflete by the College in 1638. The effigy in the glass
of the oriel window of the Hall, probably also the work of
Greenbury, has a considerable resemblance to this portrait,
which has also been followed in the main by the artist of (4)
and (5).

(4) In the Old Bursary. Probably the portrait painted for the

Hall by Taylor in 1669, removed to its present place in or
about 1756.

(5) In the Library; no doubt that painted by Taylor for the

Library in 1670.

(6) * A full-length picture, presented by Thomas Yalden in 1756,

as a representation of the Founder.

PRESIDENTS.

Laurence Humfrey.i Probably a copy of an older picture.
Accepted Frewen, Archbishop of York.f Perhaps by Gerard

Soest.
Henry Clerke.f Copied from a portrait at Gawthorpe Hall,

Lancashire.
John Hough, Bishop of Worcester :

(1) * Possibly by J. Closterman, but apparently after 1717. Be-

queathed by Hough to his kinsman Theophilus Biddulph,
by whose widow it was given to the College.

(2) f Probably a copy of (i).
Joseph Harwar :

(1) t Artist unknown.

(2) Artist unknown. In the Old Bursary.
Edward Butler :

(1) *Full length. Given to the College by Butler's daughter.

Artist unknown.

(2) f Half length. Artist unknown.
George Home, Bishop of Norwich :

(1) t Half length. Artist unknown.

(2) * Three-quarter length. Painted (probably from an older

picture) by J. Bridges in 1840, and given to the College in
the same year by G. M. Nelson.
Martin Joseph Routh :

(1) * Painted for the College in 1850 by W. H. Pickersgill, R.A.

(2) £ By T. C. Thompson, R.H.A.

(3) t By T. C. Thompson, R.H.A.

(4) t Crayon sketch of head, made for (i).

272 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

Frederic Bulley :

(1) f Painted for the College by J. Tonneau in 1880.

(2) t Painted (from photographs) by J. Lambert of Bath. Given

to the College by Mrs. Bulley. A very good likeness.

FELLOWS.

Thomas Wolsey, Archbishop of York, and Cardinal :

(1) * Copied from the portrait by Holbein at Christ Church.

(2) t .,

(3)t „ „

(4) A small portrait (head and shoulders only) in the Fellows'

Common Room. Artist unknown.

(5) f Photograph from a contemporary drawing at Arras.

John Stokesley, Bishop of London.! Copied from a portrait by

Holbein in the Royal Collection at Windsor.
Thomas Bickley, Bishop of Chichester :

(1) * Contemporary. Artist unknown.

(2) J Artist unknown. Probably copied from an older picture.
John Warner, Bishop of Rochester :

(1) * Artist unknown.

(2) t Painted for the Library by Taylor in 1670, probably

from (i),

Henry Hammond, D.D.* Artist unknown.
Alexander Pudsey, D.D.f Artist unknown.
John Fitzwilliam, D.D.t Artist unknown.
George Stonehouse, M.D.f Artist unknown.
Joseph Addison :

(1) t Probably a genuine portrait, perhaps by Kneller. Purchased

by the College in 1808.

(2) * Probably not a portrait of Addison. Given by Walter Birch

in 1817.

(3) A miniature, in the Fellows' Common Room.

Henry Sacheverell, D.D.* Artist unknown. Bequeathed to the
College in 1799, by William Clements, the son of Sacheverell 's
publisher.

Hugh Boulter, Archbishop of Armagh :

(1) * Full length; probably by Francis Bindon, or copied from

one by him.

(2) t Three-quarter length. Artist unknown.

Richard Smallbrook, Bishop of Lichfield.f Artist unknown.
Joseph Willcocks, Bishop of Rochester.* By J. Vanderlande,

1737-
Sir Edmund Isham, Bart., M.D.f Artist unknown.

APPENDICES 273

Henry Philpotts, Bishop of Exeter.* Painted for the College by

James Knight, R.A., in 1851.
Edward Ellerton, D.D.£ Artist unknown.
Roundell Palmer, ist Earl of Selborne.* Painted for the College

by W. W. Ouless, R.A., in 1872.
John Fisher, D.D.f By J. Tonneau.
John Rouse Bloxam, D.D.t A coloured photograph.
James Elwin Millard, D.D.J By the Rev. W. J. Burdett (?).
John Edward Henderson. Painted from memory by J. Tonneau.

In the Estates Bursary.
Harman Chaloner Ogle.j By J. Tonneau.

OTHER FOUNDATION MEMBERS.

Thomas Collins (Chorister and Schoolmaster).^ Artist unknown.
Henry John Todd (Chorister and Clerk). :£ By Joseph Smith,

from a sketch made in 1822.
Richard Humphrey Hill (Chorister, Demy, and Schoolmaster). J

By W. R. Symonds ; a replica.

[The following Portraits of Organists are in the Practice Room.']
William Hayes. A reduced copy of the portrait by John Cornish

in the Music School Collection.
Philip Hayes. Copied from an original water-colour portrait by

James (?) Roberts of Oxford.

Walter Vicary. Copied from a portrait by Samuel Howell.
Benjamin Blyth. A photograph.
Sir John Stainer :

(1) A photograph by Elliott and Fry.

(2) Painted for the College by G. Moira.

Sir Walter Parratt. Painted for the College by G. Moira.
John Varley Roberts. ,,

MEMBERS (OR REPUTED MEMBERS) OF THE COLLEGE
NOT ON THE FOUNDATION,

Richard Fox, Bishop of Winchester.* Copied probably from a

portrait at Corpus Christi College.

John Colet, Dean of S. Paul's.* Copy from an older picture.
Reginald Pole, Archbishop of Canterbury and Cardinal.* Copied

apparently by the same hand as the last from a portrait at

Lambeth.

William Camden.J Probably a copy of an older picture.
Henry, Prince of Wales.* Contemporary ; artist unknown. Given

by Dr. Thomas West in 1756.
William, 5th Lord Digby.f By Kneller.

274 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

Robert Conny, M.D.f Artist unknown.

William Freman, D.C.L.* Given by his brother Ralph Fre-
raan, D.D. Artist unknown.

PERSONS NOT MEMBERS OF THE COLLEGE.

Prince Rupert.* Painted by Michael Wright in 1672 for Sir

R. Viner. Given to the College by W. Huggins in 1756.
Peter Mew, Bishop of Winchester^ Artist unknown.
Bonaventure Gifford, Bishop of Madaura.f Given by J. R.

Bloxam, D.D. Copied from a portrait in the house of the

Archbishop of Westminster.

Thomas White, Bishop of Peterborough, f Artist unknown.
Joseph Butler, Bishop of Durham (as a young man).f Artist

unknown. Given by G. H. Fell, D.D.
John Henry Newman, Cardinal.! By E. Jennings. Given by

J. R. Bloxam, D.D.

G._ NOTE ON COLLEGE ATHLETICS.

During the early years of Oxford rowing and cricket Magdalen had
a very small share of distinction in these pursuits. The number of
its undergraduates was so small that it would have been a matter of
no small difficulty to man an eight with any sort of crew or to make
up any sort of eleven. In both departments, indeed, one or two
individuals had achieved success before 1854 : but the College had
made no mark.

Its first appearance on the river seems to have been in 1845, when
Magdalen and Corpus combined to put on an eight. They began
their career on the third night of the races, made one bump, rose
two more places through boats above them taking off, and then
themselves withdrew for the last two nights. In the following
year a Magdalen eight rowed for one night, but no further attempt
was made till 1859.

In that year the College Boat Club was founded, principally by
the influence of W. G. G. Austin, Demy in 1853 (who is mentioned
in the later records as its Founder), T. H. T. Hopkins, then Fellow,
and G. Norsworthy, who matriculated as a Commoner in 1856. An
Eight was put on, which made seven bumps, and gained a place by
the removal of another boat, finishing 8th on the river. In 1860
the Eight rose two more places, and it gained another in each of the
two following years. Meanwhile the Torpid, which had made its
first appearance in 1860, had also risen, and in 1862 the College
finished 4th in the Eights and sth in the Torpids. Then came a

APPENDICES 275

check. The Eight, indeed, did not fall below 7th, but the Torpid
went down steadily till it took off in 1866, having reached the
lowest place; and in that year no Eight could be put on. From
1867 to 1869 there was no Torpid, and in the latter year the Eight,
which, beginning again at the bottom in 1867, had risen a few places,
fell again to i7th.

In 1870 a Torpid was again put on, but did no more than keep its
place ; an Eight was got together with some difficulty, and (after
some variations of fortune) gained one place. The heaviest man in
this crew weighed lost. 4lb., the average weight being under lost.
From 1871 to 1873 inclusive, the College was fairly successful, rising
to 6th in the Eights and loth in the Torpids. But this was due
especially to the exertions of two men, C. C. Knollys (now Sir
Courtenay Knollys, K.C.M.G.) and A. W. Nicholson; and when
the former went down from Oxford on taking his degree, something
of a collapse followed his departure. In 1874 (t*16 firs^ year in which
the races were rowed in two divisions) the Eight fell seven places,
and the Torpid four. In 1875 there was no great change, but in the
following year the Eight began to rise again, finishing gth. In 1877
it rose to 5th, in 1879 to 2nd, and in 1880 finished for the first time
head of the river. Since that year it has held the same position six
times (in 1886, 1888, 1892, 1893, 1894 and 1895) and for twenty years
it has never fallen below the third place.

The fortunes of the Torpid, or Torpids (for from 1885 there have
been two) have been less prosperous ; but by 1883 the first boat had
risen to the fourth place, which it kept in 1884, and recovered, after
some less successful years, in 1893. In 1897 it rose to second, and
for the last two years has finished fourth.

For the Fours, a Magdalen crew entered again in 1877, but without
success. The first victory was won in 1878, and since that year
Magdalen has six times been the winner in these races; in 1880, 1884,
1885, 1886, 1889 and 1893.

The first Magdalen winner of the University Sculls was E. Graham
Moon (now the Rev. Sir E. Graham Moon, Bart.) in 1846. He
appears, from the University Boat Club records, to have been one
of the first, if not the first, who used an outrigger skiff (or, as it was
then called, a " Clasper-built boat ") in these races. The same
record mentions a report (as to the truth of which Sir E. Moon is
sceptical) that one of the other entrants for the Sculls endeavoured
to induce the Proctor (T. Harris of Magdalen) to prevent the use of
this boat, on the ground that it did not come up to the standard of
safety laid down in a notice issued (in December 1845) by the
" Hebdomadal Board." Since 1846 eight Magdalen men have won
the University Sculls: E. B. Michell (1864), C. C. Knollys (1872),

276 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

L. C. Cholmeley (1875), A. E. Staniland (1883), W. S. Unwin (1884),
G. Nickalls (1887), V. Nickalls (1891) and C. D. Burnell (1898). Of
these Moon, Michell, Knollys, Unwin, and the brothers Nickalls
were also winners of the Diamond Sculls at Henley, and the last five
have been holders of the Wingfield Sculls.

The University Pairs have three times been won by a pair of
Magdalen men : in 1879 by C. R. L. Fletcher and F. P. Bulley, in
1892 by H. B. Cotton and V. Nickalls, and in 1897 by R. Carr and
H. G. Gold.

At Henley, save in the person of its scullers, Magdalen has met
with little success. It has had a good many representatives in
winning Leander crews, and among the winners of the Goblets ; but
the only event won by a Magdalen crew has been the Stewards'
Cup ; this has been won twice, in 1893 and 1899.

To Eights which have rowed for Oxford against Cambridge,
Magdalen has contributed the following members : T. Harris (1836),
E. G. Moon (1847), W. G. G. Austin (1858), G. Norsworthy (1860),
C. C. Knollys (1872-3), A. W. Nicholson (1872-4), H. Pelham
(1877-8), J. H. T. Wharton (1879-81), A. H. Higgins (1882), W. S.
Unwin (1885-6), H. Girdlestone (1885-6), G. Nickalls (1887-91),
A. P. Parker (1888), R. P. P. Rowe (1889-92), V. Nickalls (1891-3),
W. M. Poole (1891), H. B. Cotton (1892-5), M. C. Pilkington
(1893-5), E. G. Tew (1894), C. D. Burnell (1895-8), H. G. Gold
(1896-9), E. C. Sherwood (1896), R. Carr (1896-8) and G. S.
Maclagan (cox. 1899).

The crew of 1859, the first after the foundation of the College
Boat Club, was made up as follows : Bow, E. V. Westmacott,
2. W. D. Mackenzie, 3. H. R. Morres, 4. L. S.Tuckwell, 5. W.G.G.
Austin, 6. G. Norsworthy, 7. H. B. Middleton, Stroke, T. H. T.
Hopkins, Cox., P. J. S. Stanhope.

The crews which have finished head of the river in the Eights
have been :

1880. 1886.

Bow. H. W. Boustead. Bow. W. D. Lindley.

2. W. E. P. Austin. 2. H. G. O. Kendall.

3. G. D. Dakyns. 3. A. C. Maclachlan.

4. A. E. Staniland. 4. J. B. Lloyd.

5. J. E. Ivor Yale. 5. N. C. W. Radcliffe.

6. A. C. Wells. 6. G. S. Bazley.

7. J. H. T. Wharton. 7. W. S. Unwin.
Stroke. A. H. Higgins. Stroke. H. Girdlestone.
Cox. A. E. Norman. Cox. H. E. U. Bull.

APPENDICES 27*7

1888. 1892.

Bow. R. du F. Bryans. Bow. W. M. Poole.

2. R. P. P. Rowe. 2. R. S. Medlicott.

3. W. G. Young. 3. T. Royden.

4. H. G. O. Kendall. 4. G. H. Foster.

5. G. Slade. 5. A. H. P. Clarke.

6. A. P. Parker. 6. V. Nickalls.

7. G. Nickalls. 7. R. P. P. Rowe.
Stroke. A. C. Maclachlan. Stroke. H. B. Cotton.
Cox. J. F. R. Stainer. Cox. G. B. H. Fell.

1893. 1894.

Bow. H. B. Cotton. Bow. P. M. Bowman.

2. T. Royden. 2. G. H. Foster.

3. L. L. Dobson. 3. E. C. Sherwood.

4. G. H. Foster. 4. L. L. Dobson.

5. E. G. Tew. 5. E. G. Tew.

6. V. Nickalls. 6. W. M. Poole.

7. W. M. Poole. 7. M. C. Pilkington.
Stroke. M. C. Pilkington. Stroke. H. B. Cotton.
Cox. G. B. H. Fell. Cox. H. C. Middleton.

1895.
Bow. P. M. Bowman.

2. J. M. Steward.

3. E. C. Sherwood.

4. G. H. Foster.

5. E. G. Tew.

6. C. D. Burnell.

7. H. Graham.
Stroke. M. C. Pilkington.
Cox. G. B. H. Fell.

The winners of the Fours were :

1878. 1880.

Bow. C. R. L. Fletcher. Bow. C. R. L. Fletcher.

2. A. C. Wells. 2. W. E. P. Austin.

3. J. H. T. Wharton. 3. A. E. Staniland.
Stroke. F. P. Bulley. Stroke. A. H. Higgins.

1884. 1885.

Bow. N. C. W. Radcliffe. Bow. W. S. Unwin.

2. G. S. Bazley. 2. G. S. Bazley.

3. H. Girdlestone. 3. N. C. W. Radcliffe.
Strokt. W. S. Unwin. Stroke. H. Girdlestone.

278 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

1886 1889.

Bow. W. D. Lindley. Bow. A. W. Mahaffy.

2. G. Nickalls. 2. A. P. Parker.

3. N. C. W. Radcliffe. 3- R- P. P. Rowe.
Stroke. A. C. Maclachlan. Sfro&. G. Nickalls.

1893.
Bow. H. B. Cotton.

2. L. L. Dobson.

3. M. C. Pilkington.
Stroke. W. M. Poole.

In its early days the Magdalen Boat Club had its quarters in a
room in Salter's barge, so extremely small as to make a change very
desirable as soon as the number of men frequenting the river began
to increase. But though with the revival of College rowing in 1871
proposals for hiring a barge were begun, it was not till 1873 that
this step was actually made. In 1885 a fund was raised for building
a barge, by way of memorial to T. H. T. Hopkins, one of the
founders of the Club, who had till the time of his death been a keen
supporter of its interests. Of this the present barge, which was first
used in 1887, is the result.

After its first formation the University Cricket Club was for some
time known as the Magdalen Club, and its ground as the Magdalen
Ground. The former name was derived from the latter, which has
itself lasted long enough to have acquired a new meaning, for the
ground in question, since the removal of the O.U.C.C. to the Parks,
has been partly occupied by the College Cricket Club, under a lease
from the University. But the name of the Magdalen Ground goes
back to a time before the College had any cricket club at all, when
Cowley Marsh was open land, and when the cricketers who formed
the nucleus of the O.U.C.C. found a convenient ground for practice
in the part of the unenclosed marsh which had for some time been
used as their cricket ground by the boys of the College School, and
had thus acquired its name. Later, when the open land was
enclosed, the University secured a part of it for the use of cricketers;
and the old name was still retained by the portion thus assigned to
the use of the O.U.C.C.

Magdalen itself, even in those early days, was not entirely destitute
of cricketers, but their number was of course small, and the College
eleven, when it was possible to collect one, must often have had a
long and sometimes feeble "tail." With growing numbers this state
of things has been changed ; College cricket, in spite of the necessary
drain of the best men to the University ground, ha,s for some time

APPENDICES 279

been flourishing ; and of late years, as the following list of those who
have played for Oxford against Cambridge will show, Magdalen has
supplied a fair proportion to the University Eleven :

C. H. Ridding, 1845, 1846, 1847, 1848, 1849.

H. G. Alington, 1859.

E. T. Daubeny, 1861, 1862.
S. Pelham, 1871.

L. D'A. Hildyard, 1884, 1885, 1886.

B. E. Nicholls, 1884.

Hon. F. J. N. Thesiger, 1888, 1890.

A. C. M. Croome, 1888, 1889.

M. J. Dauglish, 1890.

T. B. Case, 1891, 1892.

A. J. Boger, 1891.

H. D. G. Leveson Gower, 1893, 1894, 1895, 1896.

G. B. Raikes, 1894, 1895.

H. A. Arkwright, 1895.

C. C. Pilkington, 1896.

F. L. Fane, 1897, 1898.
H. C. Pilkington, 1899.

In Football the strength of Magdalen has been in the Association
rather than in the Rugby game. In the latter only four Magdalen
men have played for Oxford against Cambridge : H. B. Jupp (1873),
N. F. Henderson (1886), E. P. Simpson (1887) and R. D. Budworth
(1887-1889). In the Association game the Inter-Collegiate Cup was
won by Magdalen in 1882-3, the first year of its institution, and has
been won seven times in later years ; since 1886 the College has
always had at least one, and sometimes several representatives, in
the Inter-University match. Those who have played against Cam-
bridge have been :

G. B. Childs (1879-80), F. J. Barmby (1886), F. M. Ingram
(1886-7), E. S. Currey (1888-90), N. F. Shaw (1891-2), W. E.
Gilliat (1892), J. A. Walker (1892-4), G. B. Raikes (1893-6), C. D.
Hewitt (1893-5), E. F. Buzzard (1893), B. N. Bosworth-Smith
(1894-6), T. Salmon (1894), L L. Johnson (1896), W. G. Adams
(1896-8), H. M. Turnbull (1897), R. H. Laird (1897-9), F. H.
Hollins, C. F. Ryder, E. R. Turnbull (1899).

In those forms of athletics which are specially classed as
" Athletic Sports " Magdalen has produced few competitors and a
very small number of winners in the contests against Cambridge.
The Mile has been won four times (by S. G. Scott in 1867, by D. L.
Clarke in 1878, and by T. E. Wells in 1881 and 1882), the Three
Miles twice (by W. M. Smith-Dorrien in 1873, and by F. M. Ingram
in 1887), and the Hurdles once (by A. C. M. Croome in 1886).

280 MAGDALEN COLLEGE

H.— NOTE ON MATTERS RELATING TO
THE COLLEGE GROUNDS.

The plan of Oxford made by Ralph Agas in 1578 shows the whole
of what is now called the " Grove " divided into several sections and
described as " Mag. Colledge Gardaines, Orchardes, Pastures, and
Walkes." The western and northern portions of the enclosure are
planted with rows of trees, in something like the double cross forma-
tion which was adopted in the replanting of the seventeenth century.
Some of the other divisions are enclosed by palings, and probably
represent the " President's Garden," the " Vice-President's Garden,"
and the "Kitchen Garden," which are occasionally mentioned in
accounts and registers. Part of the ground covered by these divi-
sions is now occupied by the New Buildings, while part remains
open and unplanted. It was probably in this last portion that the
Bowling-green was laid out; most likely its site was almost the
same as that now occupied by a lawn-tennis ground.

Most of the trees in the Grove are English elms, dating from the
Restoration period. Two wych elms of large size were probably
planted about the same time as the others, though the quicker
growth of the wych elm gives them a more imposing appearance.
The larger of the two is sufficiently remarkable for its size to make
it worth while to record measurements which have been taken
during the last seventy years. Its girth at 5 feet from the ground
is stated to have been 21 feet in 1831, 23 feet in 1861, 23 feet 9 inches
in 1866. In 1886 it was measured by Oliver Wendell Holmes, who
gives its girth as 25 feet 6 inches. In June 1899 it measured 26 feet
5 inches in girth, and its height was measured approximately as
130 feet.

The large plane and the silver birch which stand on the north of
the President's Lodgings were planted in 1801 by Henry Philpotts,
afterwards Bishop of Exeter, when he was Junior Bursar.

Near the gate of the Walks there formerly stood a great oak-tree,
which " fell down into the meadow " early in the morning of June 29,
1789. Its dimensions, as recorded in the Vice-President's Register,
were : — Height, 71 feet 8 inches ; girth, 21 feet 9 inches; solid con-
tent, 754 feet. Richard Paget, who was a Demy at the time, and
from whose design the President's chair was made out of the timber
of the tree, says that the oak " had certainly ceased to increase for
more than a century past," but that its trunk showed 680 annual
circles.

The date at which deer were first introduced into the Grove

APPENDICES 281

cannot be exactly fixed ; it probably falls within the first twenty
years of the eighteenth century, of which the accounts cannot now
be found. The accounts for 1721-2 contain a heading referring to
the deer, under which no charge is entered. The heading had
therefore probably appeared in the accounts of the preceding year,
and perhaps for some years before 1720.

The "New Walk," connected by a bridge with "Dover Pier'*
and leading from the east end of "Addison's Walk" to King's
Mill, was begun in 1867. The work was planned by T. H. T.
Hopkins (then Fellow and recently Bursar), who also took a large
share in superintending its progress.

INDEX

ACKWORTH, George, 121

Adams, W. G., 279

Addison, Joseph, 173, 190, 212, 231,

270, 272

" Addison's Walk," 212, 281
Agas, Ralph, 24, 280,
S. Alban Hall, 73, 74
Aldworth, Charles, 193-203
Aldworth, Thomas, 107
Alexander I. of Russia, 270
Alington, H. G., 279
All Saints' Church, 130
All Souls College, 2, 23, 25, 42, 91,

93

Alms-house, 12, 265-6, 267
Altar-piece, 228-9
Andrewes, Richard, 78
Angel Inn, 7 1
Anwykyll, John, 59
Arkwright, H. A., 279
Arms of the College, 268-9
Arthur, Prince of Wales, 53
" Arundel Chapel," 25
Arundel, William Fitzalan, Earl of,

265, 268

Astrologers, 54, 75
Athletics, 274-9
Atwater, William, Bp. of Lincoln,

59

Austin, W. E. P., 276, 277
Austin, W. G.G., 274, 276
Aynho Hospital, 45, 26 4, 268

BACHELORS of Arts, Lectures by,

137, 226

Bacon, Francis (Lord Verulam), 136
Bacon, Phanuel, 219
Bagshaw, Francis, 188, 195
Ballard, George, 225
Balliol College, 140, 227
Barbor, William, 3
harbour. See Patten

Barmby, F. J., 279

Barnes, Emmanuel, 129

Baron, James, 166

Baxter, Richard, 146

Bayley, Thomas, 187, 206, 216-17

Baylie, Thomas, 142

Bazley, G. S., 276, 277

Bear Inn, 130

Beaufort, Henry, Bp. of Winchester,
4

Bedford, Francis, Second Earl of
129

Beeding. See Sele

Bells, 48, 139, 228

Bentham, Thomas, Bp. of Lich field,
88, 99, 101-3

Berne (or Bernes), Richard, 21, 23,
34

Bickley, Thomas, Bp. of Chichester,
87, 88, 89, 91, 99, 103, 116, 272

Biddulph, Theophilus, 271

Bindon, Francis, 272

Birch, Walter, 272

Bishop, Sir H., 244

Bloxani, J. R., v, vi, 52, 53, 94, 98,
111, 121, 122, 155, 160, 165, 167,
179, 210, 218, 220, 231, 273, 274

Blyth, Benjamin, 260, 273

Boat Club, 274-8

Bodley, G. F., 258

Bodley, Sir Thomas, 129

Boger, A. J., 279

Boleyn, Anne, 77

Bolton, Henry, 83, 96

Bond, James, 1 ] 6

Bond, Nicolas, 133-140

Bostar Hall, 6, 8

Bosworth- Smith, B. N., 279

Boulter, Hugh, Abp. of Armagh,
212, 272

Bourchier, Thomas, Abp. of Canter-
bury, 9

INDEX

Boustead, H. W., 276

Bower, Walter, 96, 101, 103

Bowling-green, 189, 280

Bowman, P. M., 277

Brackley Hospital, 45, 62, 63, 80,

265,268

Bradsbaw, Francis, 140
Bramber, 19
Braose, William de, 264
Brasenose College, 25
Brereton, Margery, 2
Brereton, Sir William, 2
Bridges, J., 271
Brinknell, Thomas, 72
Bristol, Earl of (Sir John Digby), 145
Brodie, Sir B. C., 256
Brown, Paul, 124
Bryans, R. du F., 277
Bucer, Martin, 95
Buckler, J. C., 13, 25, 83, 220, 238,

239, 240

Buckner, Thomas, 155
Budworth, R. D., 279
Bull, Henry, 88, 103
Bull, H. E. IL, 276
Bulley, Frederick, 250-262, 272
Bulley, F. P., 276, 277
Burdett, W. J., 273
Burford, 62
Burgess, John, 70-71
Burgo, Nicolas de, 76
Burnell, C. D., 276, 277
Bnrnet, Gilbert, Bp. of Salisbury, 82 ,

210, 232

Bursars, Office of, 42
Butler, Edward, 217-221, 271
Butler, Joseph, Bp. of Durham, 274
Buzzard, E. F., 279
Byron, Sir John, 158

CADE, John, 9

Caister, 17, 18, 264

Calamy, Edmund, 147

Calixtus III., 15

Camden, William, 129, 273

Canditch, 14

Capell, Richard, 142

Card playing, 43, 58

Cardinal College, 68, 69, 72, 73, 75,

76,82

Carr, R., 276
Cartar, Robert, 68, 70, 71
Cartwright, Edmund, 228
Cartwright, Thomas, Bp. of Chester,

201, 202, 207
Casaubon, Isaac, 168
Case, T. B., 279

Cat baptized, 56

Cecil, Sir William (Lord Burghley),
115, 117, 122

Chaloner, Sir Thomas, 139

Chandler, H. W., 256

Chandler, Richard, 3, 227

Chapel (See Magdalen College)

Ornaments of, 79, 82, 100, 104,

118

Services in, 41, 87-89, 94, 96,
101, 102, 104, 114, 127, 148,
209, 241, 259-60

Chaplains' Quadrangle. See Mag-
dalen College

Charles L, 145, 146, 152-6
Portrait of, 167

Charles II., 175, 179, 181-4

Charnock, Robert, 195-210

Cherringes, Adam de, 264

Chess, 43

Chibnall, Anthony, 163-4

Chicheley, Henry, Abp. of Canter-
bury, 2, 42

Childs, G. B., 279

Chimes, 190

Chirchestile, Juliana, 2

Choir, Constitution of, 40, 127, 240

Cholmeley, L. C., 276

Christ Church, 82, 88, 192, 200

Christ's College, Cambridge, 172

Church, R. W., Dean of S. Paul's, 252

Clarendon, Earl of (Edward Hyde),
156,181

Clarke, A. H. P., 277

Clarke, D. L., 279

Clarke, John, 73

Claybrok, Dr., 70

Claymond (alias Coward), John, 59,
60-66, 68, 71, 80, 266, 267

Clements, W., 272

Clerke, Henry, 165, 183-192, 196,
214,218,271

Clock, 55

Cloisters. See Magdalen College

Closterman, J., 271

Cole, Arthur, 105

Colet, John, Dean of S. Paul's, 59,
273

Collett, William, 34

Collins, Thomas, 273

Collins, William, 219, 281

Colyweston, 56

Commemorations, 114, 267-8

Commissions of 1854 and 1877, 250-
261

Commoners, 41, 126-7, 128, 141,149,
151, 223-5, 244-5, 247, 257-8

INDEX

Common-room. See Magdalen Col-
lege

Conington, John, 243

Conny, Robert, 274

Cooper, Thomas, Bp. of Winchester,
125-130, 134-8, 141, 150, 169

Cope, Alan, 114

Corn-rents, 137-8

Cornish, John, 273

Corpus Christi College, 64-5, 66,
242

Cottingham, L. N., 238

Cotton, H. B., 276, 277, 278

Cotysford, John, 73-75

Coveney, Thomas, 105, 106, 115,
116

Coverdale, Miles, Bp, of Exeter, 96

Cox, Richard, Dean of Ch. Ch., Bp.
of Ely, 87, 88

Cranmer, Thomas, Abp. of Canter-
bury, 77, 91-3, 104, 111

Cricket, 278-9

Cromwell, Oliver, 156, 167

Cromwell, Thomas, Earl of Essex,
76,78, 80, 105

Croome, A, C. M., 279

Cross at Hospital Gate, 118

Crosse, Joshua, 166, 171

Curll, Walter, Bp. of Winchester,
148-151

Currey, E. S., 279

DAKYNS, G. D., 276

Dalaber, Anthony, 73-5

Dale, John, senior, 163

Dale, John, junior, 161

Danvers, Joan and William, 268

Daubeny, Charles, 242

Daubeny, E. F., 279

Dauglish, M. J., 279

Davys, John, 216

Deans, Office of, 42

" Declamations," 224

Deer in Grove, 280-1

Deists, 219

Demyships, 36, 37, 46, 234-5, 244-9,
253, 256, 261-2

Des Roches, Peter, Bp. of Win-
chester, 265, 267

Digby, Sir John. See Bristol, Earl
of

Digby, William, Fifth Lord, 273

Dobson, Henry, 200

Dobson, L. L., 277, 278

Dogs, 57, 187

Dominican Convent, Dormitory of,
79

Dover, Earl of (John Carey), 155
" Dover Pier," 155, 157, 191, 281
Dowman, John, 56, 66
Drope, Edward, 178
Duncombe, John, 163
Durham University, 232
Durnford, Richard, Bp. of Chiches-
ter, 242

EAST Bridge (or Magdalen Bridge),

14, 152, 154
East Gate, 10, 14

Ecclesiastical Commission, 198-209
Edgehill, 153
Edmund Hall (S. ), 213
Edon, William, 74, 75
Edward IV., 17, 34
Edward VI., 101
Edwards, Andrew, 250
Egginton, Francis, 148
Elections, corruption in, 125, 186
Elizabeth, Queen, 105, 112, 122, 133,

134, 136

Ellerton, Edward, 273
Elms in Grove, 280
Erasmus, 59, 62
Essex, Earl of (Robert Devereux),

156

Eton College, 4, 5, 268, 269
Evelyn, John, 167, 189
Examinations, 224, 241, 253-4, 259,

261
Exhibitions, 247, 253, 256, 261

FAIRFAX, Henry, 196, 199, 203-5,

207, 212

Fairfax, Sir Thomas, 156-7, 159, 167
Fane, F. L., 279

Fastolf, Sir John, 17, 18, 40, 264
Fell, George H., 274
Fell, Godfrey B. H., 277
Fellowships, 36, 37, 125, 234-5, 247,

253, 260-2
Ferrier, James, 243
Field, Richard, 129
Findon, 61

" Fines," 126, 138, 170, 256
Firth, C. H., 157
Fisher, John, 273
Fitz-Richard, Roger, 264
Fitzwilliam, John, 211, 272
Fleming, Richard, Bp. of Lincoln, 3
Fletcher, C. R. L., 276, 277
Florent (S.), 18, 264
Florio, John, 129
Football, 279
Forman, Abraham, 162, 178, 190

INDEX

Forman, John, 37

Forman, Simon, 129

Fortification of Oxford, 152-5

Foster, G. H., 277

Founder's Cup, 154, 270

Fox, Richard, Bp. of Winchester, 47,

56-9, 60, 61, 64-7, 273
Foxe, John, 61, 73, 75, 100, 103,

108

Fraunceys, John, 264
Frederic, Elector Palatine, 143
Freinan, Ealph, 274
Freman, William, 228-9, 274
Freweu, Accepted, Abp. of York,

145-155, 271
Frewen, John, 145
S. Frideswide's Priory and Church,

65, 74, 75

Frost (wood- carver), 83
Fuller, Isaac, 189

GALE, Theophilus, 166, 171, 177

Gardiner, Robert, 205

Gardiner, Stephen, Bp. of Winches-
ter, 101, 104, 109, 111

Garner, T., 258

Garret (or Garrard), Thomas, 73-6

Gateways. See Magdalen College

Geography, Lectures in, 78, 137

George I., 217

Gibbon, Edward, 221-6, 244

Gifford, Bonaventure, 208-9, 274

Gilliat, W. EM 279

Girdlestone, H., 276, 277

Gloucester College, 73-4

Gloucester, Humphrey, Duke of, 4

Godmanston, John, 6, 8

God stow, Thomas, 130-1

Gold, H. G., 276

Gold, John, 57-8

Goodwin, Thomas, 172-5

Gosinore, Richard, 49, 61

Graham, H., 277

Grammar Hall, 29. See' also Mag-
dalen College

Grammar School, 38, 39, 59, 65, 84,
92-3, 126, 151, 239. See also Mag-
College

Grand orge, John, 217

"Gravel Walk," 178, 190, 217

Greek Lecture, 77, 78, 111, 122

Greenbury, Richard, 148, 189, 271

Grey, Lady Jane, 101

Greyhound Inn, 217

Grindal, Edmund, Bp. of London,
116

Grocyn, William, 46, 59

Grove, The, 21, 22, 153, 155, 168,

190, 280
Gryce, William, 69

HADDON, Walter, 97-101, 102, 103,

111, 270

Hall. See Magdalen College
Hammond, Henry, 272
Hampden, John, 142, 154
Harding, John, 140, 141, 147
Hare Hall, 6-8
Harley, John, Bp. of Hereford. 8 1-5,

96, 97

Harman, John. See Veyscy
Harpur, Sir John, 270
Harris, Henry, 250
Harris, Thomas, 275, 276
Harrison, Thomas, 237
Harvard College, 166
Harwar, Joseph, 216-17, 271
Hatton, Sir Christopher, 135
Hawles, Charles, 208-9
Hayes, Philip, 273
Hayes, William, 273
Headington, 10, 21, 22
Hearne, Thomas, 22, 216-20
Hebrew Lecture, 122
Hedges, Sir Charles, 201-2, 210
Henderson, J. E., 273
Henderson, N. F., 279
Henley, Joseph Warner, 243
Henrietta Maria, 167
Henry III., 9, 10, 11, 107, 268
Henry VI., 1, 4, 5, 9, 13, 14, 16, 107
Henry VII., 47, 48, 50, 51, 268
Henry VIII., 76, 77, 80, 83, 84, 87,

89, 101, 111
Henry, Prince of Wales, 139, 143,

273

Henshaw, Henry, 105, 106
Hereford, Bp. of (John Stanbery),

15, 16

Hertford College, 215, 236
Hewitt, C. D., 279
Heylin, Peter, 168, 171, 175, 186
Hickes, George, 211
Hickman, Henry, 154, 166-77, 186
Higdon, John, 59, 65-71, 74, 75, 79,

266, 267

Higgins, A. H., 276, 277
High Street, 6, 7, 178, 237, 240
Hildyard, L. D'A., 279
Hill, R. H., 273
Holbein, Hans, 272
Holdsworth, Edward, 219, 220
Hollins, F. H., 279
Holman Hunt, W., 270

INDEX

Holmes, O. W., 280

Holte, John, 59

Holyoake, Henry, 212

Holywell, 14, 22

Hooker, Richard, 134

Hooper, William, 174, 209

Hopkins, T. H. T., 274, 276, 278,

281

Horbery, Matthew, 225
Horley, John, 7, 16
Horn, Robert, Bp. of Winchester,

115, 121, 123, 124, 169
Home, George, Bp. of Norwich,

225-31, 271
Horsmull Lane, 6, 7
Hough, John, Bp. of Worcester,

196-210, 212-15, 271
Howe, John, 173
Howell, Samuel, 273
Huggins, W., 274
Humfrey, Laurence, 88, 95, 101, 102,

103, 109, 110, 116-133, 136, 147,

148, 270, 271
Hunt, Henry, 160, 161
Hurdis, James, 223-5
Hymn sung on Tower, 50, 52

INCENSE, Use of, 95
Income, Division of, 138
Ingledew, Thomas, 37, 125, 268
Ingrain, F. M., 279
Innocent VIII., 46, 265
Isham, Sir Edmund, 272
Ivory (or Everie), John, 124

JAMES I., 139, 156
James II., 192-210, 211, 216
James, Thomas, 168
Jeffreys, Lord Chancellor, 199
Jenner, Sir Thomas, 201, 205, 206
Jenner, Thomas, 221, 226
Jennings, E., 274
Jewel, John, Bp. of Salisbury, 121
Jews' Garden, 10

John Baptist (S.), Hospital of, 6-16,
36, 264, 265, 268

Statutes, 11-12

for references to buildings, see

Magdalen College
John Baptist (S.), Parish of, 6
John, King, 10
John's Lane, 6
Johnson, I. L., 279
Jones, Inigo, 149, 237, 239
Jones, R. P., vi.
Jupp, H. B., 279

KATHARINE of Arragon, 53

Keble College, 245

Ken, Thomas, Bp. of Bath and Wells,

211

Kendall, H. G. O., 276, 277
King, William, 217
King's College, Cambridge, 5
King's College, Oxford, 82
King's Mill, 10, 281
Kingsmill, Thomas, 122
Kirke, Hugh, 101
Kneller, Sir G., 272, 273
Knight, Cowing, 219
Knight, James, 273
Knollis, Sir Francis, 129
Knollys, C. C., 275, 276
Knollys, Thomas, 71, 76-80, 105
Kynton, John, 72

LACY, Emelinc de, 264
Laird, R. H., 279
Langton, William, 141-147
Latimer, Hugh, Bp. of Worcester,

75, 104, 111

Latin, Use of, 43, 57, 135
Laud, William, Abp. of Canterbury,

134, 144, 146, 156
Law, Study of, 38
Leases, 137-8, 256
Lee, Edward, Abp. of York, 59, 76
Lee, Richard, 269
Lectures, disputations, &c., 44, 57,

77, 78, 95, 111, 122, 126, 137, 151,

224-6
Leicester, Robert de Beaumont (le

Bossu), Earl of, 265
Leicester, Robert Dudley, Earl of, 1 35
Leland, John, 2, 3
Leveson Gower, H. D. G., 279
Levinz, Baptist, Bp. of Man, 193, 197
Library, 23, 34, 84, 211, 237
Lilye, William, 59
Lincoln, Bp. of (John Chadworth),

15 ; (Thomas Rotherham), 28
Lincoln College, 73, 106
Lindley, W. D., 276, 278
Lisle, Thomas, 221
Littlemore, Convent of, 8
"Livery," 46, 138
Lloyd, J. B., 276

" Lodgings." See Magdalen College
Loggan, David, 13, 25, 79, 149
Logic Lane, 6, 7
London, John, 74, 80
Long Wall, 14
Longland, John, Bp. of Lincoln, 2, 3,

59, 68, 75, 76

INDEX

Lovel, Francis, Viscount, 264, 265,

268

Lowe, Robert (Vise. Sherbrooke), 242
Lutherans in Oxford, 72-76
Lydall, Robert, 217-18
Lyly, John, 129
Lymington, 60
Lytcott, Richard, 155

MABBE, James, 143

Mackenzie, W. D., 276

Maclachlan, A. C., 276, 277, 278

Maclagan, G. S., 276

Macray, W. D., v., vi., 19, 32, 66, 70,

71, 79, 83, 91, 121, 125, 265, 266
Magdalen Bridge, 14, 152, 154
Magdalen College, Buildings of
(General plan and key pp. 30, 31)
Almshouse, 12
Bursary, 25

Chapel, 23-26, 27, 79, 86, 91, 96,
100, 102, 104, 111, 114, 118-9,
146-8, 167, 189-90, 229-30,

238, 259

Altar-piece in, 228-9
Porch, 27, 149
Statues in screen, 259
Vestry, 24

Windows, 23, 26, 148, 167,

229, 259
Chapel of S. John, 12, 63, 84,

188
Chaplain's Quadrangle, 20, 63,

64, 153

Cloisters, 23, 26, 27, 48, 63,
139-40, 149, 236-7
Oratory, 27
Statues, 63, 140, 149
Common-room, 24, 188-9, 203
Divinity Reader's Lodging, 13,

230

Gateways, 27, 29, 48, 149, 239
" Grammar Hall," 29, 144, 217,

238

Grammar School, 29, 143, 237
Hall, 23, 82-4, 139, 202, 230,

239, 269

S. John's Quadrangle, 20

Kitchen, 13, 28, 48, 64

" Kitchen Staircase," 149

Library, 23, 237

"New Buildings," 24, 220, 230,

235-7
President's Lodgings, 27,28, 48,

66, 79, 100, 111, 119, 218,

230, 236
Election Gallery, 230

Magdalen College, "Song School,"
24, 48, 64

Stables, 13, 55, 64

S. Swithun's Buildings, 258

Towers: Founder's, 23, 24, 27,
235

Great, 48-53, 131, 153
Muniment, 23, 24, 26, 139

Walls, 21-22, 48, 64, 139
Magdalen Hall (the earlier) 6-16
Magdalen Hall (the later), 29, 73,

143-4, 187, 193, 213-5, 236, 239
Mahaffy, A. W., 278
Malaunay, Hugh de, 10
Malmesbury, 109
Mansel, H. L., Dean of S. Paul's,

256

Mansell, John, 113
" Marprelate," 135, 136
Marshall, Thomas, 80, 105, 106
Martin, Dr., Ill
Martyr, Peter, 91, 95, 96
Mary's Church (S.). 75, 130
Mary I,, 101, 106, 109, 111, 112,

113

Mary II., 211, 216
Mason, William. See Orcheyerd
Masons, Wages of, 22
Masses, 26, 41, 89, 91, 102, 114
Massey, John, Dean of Ch. Ch., 192
Mayew, Richard, Bp. of Hereford,

33, 34, 35, 47, 53, 54-59, 60, 68
Maynard, Edward, 196-7, 207
Medicine, Study of, 38
Medlicott, R. S., 277
Merton College, 188
Merton Street, 6
" Mesopotamia," 10
Mew, Peter, Bp. of Winchester,
184-5, 188, 193-5, 197, 209, 210,
274

Michell,E. B., 275, 276
Middleton, H. B., 276
Middleton, H. C., 277
Migrations, 62, 80, 111
Millard, J. E., 273
Milton, 22
Mint at Oxford, 154
Mitre and Staff, Waynflete's, 160
Moira, G., 273
Molyneux, Anthony, 70
Moon, E. G., 275, 276
Moore, John, 156
More, Sir Thomas, 62
Morley, George, Bp. of Winchester,

180-7
Morres, H. R., 276

INDEX

Morton, John, Abp. of Canterbury,

47
Morwent, Robert, 64, 65, 69, 104,

105, 106,266, 267
Mozley, J. B., 242, 252
Mullins, John, 99, 101, 103, 116
Mundy, Peter, 147, 189

NELSON, G. M., 271

"New Buildings." See Magdalen

College
New College, 2, 24, 25, 36-43, 156,

186

"New Walk," 281

Newman, John Henry, Cardinal, 274
Nicholls, B. E., 279
Nicholson, A. W., 275, 276
Nicholson, George, 161
Nickalls, G., 276, 277, 278
Nickalls, V.,276, 277
Nicolls, Ferdinando, 142
Norfolk, John Mowbray, Third Duke

of, 18,264
John Mowbray, Fourth Duke of,

18, 264,267
Norman, A. E., 276
Norris, Henry, Lord, 130, 131, 153
Norris, Sir John, 129
North, Brownlow, Bp. of Winchester,

234

"North, Christopher," 243
Northampton, 16
Northiam, 145
Northumberland, Duke of (John

Dudley), 101
Nourse, John, 152, 153

OAK Tree, 280

Ogle, H. C., 273

Oglethorpe, Owen, 81-98, 103-5,

132, 268
Oliver, John, 155, 156, 160, 175,

176-9
Orchcyerd, William, 21, 22, 23, 26,

27
Ordinance of University Commission,

253-6

Organist, 40

Organs, 26, 95, 139, 168, 190, 229
Oriel College, 25, 241, 242
Ormond, James Butler, First Duke

of, 197
James Butler, Second Duke of,

229

Ouless, W. W.. 273
Owen, Col., 217
Owen, John, 173

PAGET, Richard, 280

Paley, Robert, 100, 103

Palmer, Julins, 100, 108

Palmer, Roundell (Earl of Selborne),
242, 243, 252, 259, 273

Palmer, William, 243

Parker, A. P., 276, 277, 278

Parker, Matthew, Abp. of Canter-
bury, 54, 112, 116, 119-121

Parker, Samuel, Bp. of Oxford, 192,
199-208

Parkhurst, Henry, 179

Parkhurst, John, 140, 141

Parkhurst, Robert, 106

Parkinson, John, 231

Parkinson, Joseph, 237

Parr, Katharine, 89

Parratt, Sir W., 260

Parthenius, 168

Paston, John, 17, 18

Patten, John. See Waynflete

Patten, John Wilson (Lord Winmar-
leigh), 243

Patten, Richard (of Baslow), 2, 243

Patten, Richard (of Wainfleet), 1-2,
239

Patten, William. See Waynflete

Paul Isaiah, 168

Pelham, H., 276

Pelham, S., 279

Pembroke, William, Earl of, 146

Penn, William, 201

Pepper, Maj.-Gen., 217

Perkins, William, 95

1'errot, Simon, 267

Peter-in-the-East (S.), 6, 8, 28, 85
Peterborough, John, First Earl of,

155
Philosophy, Provision for teaching,

38, 39, 40
Philpotts, Henry, Bp. of Exeter,

242, 273, 280
Physic Garden, 10, 154
Pickersgill, W. H., 271
Pierce, Thomas, 175, 179-185
Pilkington, C. C., 279
Pilkington, H. C., 279
Pilkington, M. C., 276, 277, 278
Plague, 62, 80, 140
Plate, 152, 154, 270
Pole, Reginald, Abp. of Canterbury,

64, 65, 111, 273
Ponet, John, Bishop of Winchester,

98

Poole, W. M., 276, 277, 278
Poor Scholars, 127, 129, 136, 141,
149-151, 182, 245-6

INDEX

" Portcullis," 269
Portraits, 270-4
President, Office of, 41
Mode of Election, 42
Elections oi, 60, 61, 66, 69, 70,
71, 81, 98, 102-4, 105, 116,
134, 140, 141, 145, 155, 179,
184, 195-6, 215, 216, 217,
221, 226, 231, 250, 263
Preston, James, William and Robert,

268

Prideaux, Humphrey, 186, 212
Professorships, 40, 253-6, 260, 262
Prutt, Thomas, 49
Pudsey, Alexander, 196, 200, 203,

215, 272

Pugin, A. W., 239
Pusey, John, 140

QUEEN'S College, 108, 213, 219, 231

RADCLIFFE, N. C. W., 276, 277, 278

Raikes, G. B., 279

Raynold (Mason), 49

Reade, Charles, 243

Readers, 38-40, 65, 77, 78, 182, 225,

246-8

Reading Abbey, 83
Rede, Sir Edimind, 22
Reeks, William, 63
Registers, 45, 85-6
Renniger, Michael, 103, 116
" Restoration " Cup, 270
Reynolds, Edward, Bp. of Norwich,

165

Richard III., 46, 47
Ricot, 131
Ridding, C. H., 279
Ridley, Nicolas, Bp. of London, 104,

111
Roberts, James (?), Portrait painter,

273

Roberts, J. V. 260, 273
Robinson, Sir Christopher, 228
Rogers, Benjamin, 50, 190, 205
Rogers, John, 215
Romney Hospital, 45, 264
Rooms, Distribution of, 43
Roper, John, 59, 72
Rosse, William, Third Earl of, 243
Rotherham, Thomas, Bp. of Lincoln,

28
Routh, Martin Joseph, 52, 53, 228,

231-49, 259, 270, 271
Rowe, R. P. P., 276, 277, 278
Royden, T., 277
Rugby School, 212

Rupert, Prince, 153-4, 274
Ryder, C. F., 279

SACHEVERELL, Henry, 212, 272

Sail, Arthur, 101

Salmon, T., 279

Sampson, Thomas, Dean of Ch. Ch.,

119-20

Sancroft, William, Abp. of Canter-
bury, 209

Sanford, John, 136
Saracen's Head, 7, 8
Saumur, 18, 264
Say and Sele, William Fiennes,

Viscount, 153

Scales, Lord (Anthony Wydville), 18
Schepreve, John, 62
School of the College. See Grammar

School

Schools, Examination, 7
Schwarbrook, Thomas, 229
Schwarz, Christopher, 148
Scott, S. G., 279
Scrutiny, Yearly, 44
Selborne, Earl of (Roundell Palmer),

242, 243, 252, 259, 273
Selborne Priory, 45, 265, 267
Sele Priory, 18, 19, 78, 264, 265,

267

Senior, N. W., 242
Servants, 43
Shaw, John, 227
Shaw, N. F., 279
Sheppard, John, 109
Sheppard, Thomas and Sophia, 246
Sherbrooke, Viscount (Robert Lowe),

242

Sherwood, E. C., 276, 277
Shoreham, 19, 78
Shotover, 23, 130
Simpson, E. P., 279
Singing on Tower, 50-53
Sixtus IV., 18, 34, 265
Slade, G., 277
Slithurst, Richard, 104
Slithurst, Thomas, 103, 104, 105,

106

Slymbridge, 50, 51
Smallbrook, Richard, Bp. of Lich-

fleld, 212-13, 272
Smith, Goldwin, 243
Smith, Joseph, 273
Smith, Ralph, 134, 135, 140, 142
Smith, Richard, 110
Smith, Thomas (Clerk), 161, 165
Smith, Thomas (Fellow), 50, 187-8,

192-209, 211

INDEX

Smith-Dorrien, \V. M., 279

Soest, Gerard, 271

Somer, John, 104, 105, 106

Somerset, Duke of (Edward Sey-
mour), 88, 89

" Song School." See, Magdalen Col-
lege

Spalding Priory, 3

Sparke, Thomas, 141, 142, 145

Sparke, William, 145

" Spur-royals," 169-72

Stanbridge, John, 59

Standlake, 267

Stanhope, P. J. S.f 276

Staniland, A. E., 276, 277

Stafford, Thomas, 204

Stainer, Sir John, 260, 273

Stainer, J. F. R., 277

Stainswick, 268

Statutes, 32-44, 254-6, 260-2

Steward of the week, 42

Steward, J. M., 277

Stokesley, John, Bp. of London,
55-59, 61, 68, 272

Stokys, Richard, 58, 68, 70

Stonehouse, George, 272

Story, Dr., Ill

Stroud, Swithun, 134

Strype, John, 116, 120, 122

Stubbs, Laurence, 68-71

Style (or Steell), Laurence, 100, 108

Suffolk, John, Second Duke of, 18

Sunnier, C. R., Bp. of Winchester, 235

Sunderland, Earl of (Robert Spencer),
194-200

Swithun's Buildings (S.). See Mag-
dalen College

Symonds, W. R., 273

TABARD Inn, 7

Taylor (Portrait painter), 271, 272

Taynter, Robert, 95, 99

Tayntou, 22

Temple, Nicolas, 78

Tew, E. G., 276, 277

Thame, 62, 100

Thane, Alexander, 160

Theology, Provision for teaching, 39

Fellowships assigned to, 261
Thesiger, F. J. N., 279
Thompson, Jasper, 196, 206
Thompson, T. C., 271
Tinney, W. H., 241
Todd, H. J., 273
Toms, W. H., 25
Tomsou, Laurence, 123
Tonneau, J., 272, 273

Tower. See Magdalen College
Trinity College, Cambridge, 193
Trinity College, Oxford, 104, 19?,

242

Trinity Hall, 97
Tuition, Provision for, 38, 174, 223,

224

Tuckwell, L. S., 276
Turnbull, E. R,, 279
Turnbull, H. M., 279
Turner, William, 96
Tybard, William, 14, 16, 17, 33, 34
Tyndale, William, 73

UNIVERSITY College, 7, 8, 116, 188,

227, 242, 243
Unwin, W. S., 276, 277

VACATION, 140

Vanderlande, J., 272

Veysey, John, Bp. of Exeter, 60, 61

Vicary, Walter, 273

Vice- President, Office of, 42

Villa Garcina, John de, 111

Viner, Sir R., 274

Visitations: (a) by Bp. of Winches-
ter, 56-59, 66, 101-104, 115, 121,
125-30, 182, 186-87, 209
(6) by Wolsey as Legate, 70-71

(c) by Cranmer as Metropolitan,
77

(d) by Commissioners of Henry
VIII., 77 ; of Edward VI., 86,
90, 92-93, 96 ; of Elizabeth,
113-14 ; of the Parliament,
161-74 ; of Charles II., 176 ;
of James II., 201-207

Visitor, Authority of, 43, 44
Vyse, Richard, 13-16

WADE, Christopher, 124

Wadham College, 25, 189, 199

Wake, Isaac, 139

Waldegrave, Thomas, 221

Walks, The, 84, 139, 149, 155, 157,

168, 190, 212, 280, 281
Walker, Sir E., 156
Walker, J. A., 279
Walker, Thomas, 227
Waller, Sir W., 156
Walsingfeam, Sir T., 123
Waltham, 47

Wanborough, Chapel at, 45, 264
Warner, John, Bp. of Rochester, 272
Warton, Thomas, 219
Watkins, Richard, 216
Waynflete, John, 2

INDEX

Waynflete, William, Bp. of Win-
chester, 1-48 and passim; Arms
of, 268-69 ; Portraits of, 270-71

Webb, Ambrose, 135

Wells, A. C., 276, 277

Wells, T. E., 279

Wesley, S. S., 244

West, Thomas, 230, 273

Westmacott, E. V., 276

Wetherell, Sir C., 228

Wharton, J. H. T., 276, 277

Wharton, Philip, Lord, 177

Wheatley, 22

Wheeler (Goldsmith), 160

White, Thomas, Bp. of Winchester,
106

White, Thomas, Bp. of Peterborough,
274

Whitgift, John, Abp. of Canterbury,
134, 135

Whittinton, Robert, 59

Wilkinson, Henry, 162, 169, 172

Wilkinson, John, 141, 142, 144,
161-72

WiJlcocks, Joseph, Bp. of Rochester,
272

William III., 210, 211, 216

Williams, Thomas, 87, 95, 103

Williams, William, 25

Wilson, John, 243

Winchester College, 2, 4, 5

Winchester, Thomas, 221, 222, 225

Windebank, Christopher, 151

Windebank, Francis, 151

Windsor, 82, 89, 104

Winmarleigh, Lord, 243

Wither, George, 142

Witney, 62, 63

Wolsey, Thomas, Abp. of York,
49-50, 53, 54, 59, 67-76, 79, 82,
105, 272

Wood, Antony, 13, 52, 72, 82, 103,
110, 113, 114, 115, 130, 131, 139,
144, 145, 147, 153, 154, . 157-58,
167, 169, 172, 174, 175, 176, 177,
178, 185

Wooddeson, Richard, 228

Worcester, Bp. of (John Carpenter),
15; (Silvester de Gigliis), 51

Wotton, Edward, 64, 65, 69

Wright, Michael, 274

Wright, Sir Robert, 201-205

Wyatt, James, 229-230, 235

Wychwood, 23

Wykeham, William, Bp. of Winches-
ter, 2, 24, 25, 26, 36-45

YALDEN, Thomas, 218, 271
Yale, W. E. I., 276
Yerbury, Henry, 180-82
York, Richard, Duke of, 9
Young, W. G., 277
Younger, John, 192, 207

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